| FROM DOT TO DOMESDAY | Early Medieval | The Birth of Nations: England |
| WESSEX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Wessex, the Kingdom of the West-Saxons. Bede states that the West-Saxons were "formerly called Gewissæ". Barbara Yorke, in 'Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England', says: "We can no longer speak as confidently of the origins of Wessex as historians once felt able to do, but the area which has the best claim to have been the original homeland of the West Saxons is the upper Thames valley." Northwards expansion for the West-Saxons was thwarted by the growth of Mercia, during the 7th century, but they steadily moved westward against the Britons. The name of West-Saxon king Cædwalla is derived from the British Cadwallon, and might suggest that intermarriage between the ruling classes of the Saxons and British was an accepted way of integrating the communities. At the beginning of the 9th century, Ecgberht finally conquered the British enclave in the Cornish Peninsula, and also ended Mercian domination. It was, however, their successful campaigns against the Danes, which led to the kings of Wessex becoming kings of England. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
King of the West-Saxons |
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519 - 534 Cerdic
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' records the founding of Wessex in the following entries:
534 - 560 Cynric
In the above quote from Asser, it can be seen that he follows the 'Chronicle' in describing Cynric as Cerdic's son. However, just a paragraph earlier he had noted "Cynric, who was the son of Creoda, who was the son of Cerdic". Creoda also figures in the earliest extant West-Saxon genealogy. All sources, however, agree that Cerdic was the founding father of Wessex. Incidentally, it is thought that the name Cerdic is actually derived from the British name Ceretic.
It seems clear, therefore, that Stuf and Wihtgar were Jutes. Sir Frank Stenton, in his 'Anglo-Saxon England' (Sir Frank died in 1967, while still working on revisions for the third edition), writes: "That a Saxon chief such as Cerdic should have Jutish nephews is by no means improbable under the conditions which prevailed in the fifth century. Intermarriage between two Germanic races was common, and Stuf and Wihtgar may well have been the sons of Cerdic's sister and a Jutish noble... If Cerdic and his men were Saxons - and tradition is unanimous on this point - the establishment of a Jutish people in southern Hampshire implies that he and his followers left the lands of the original conquest in the possession of allies, and themselves passed on in search of adventure or of other country for settlement. His later history is unknown, and speculation is very dangerous... But the centre of the powerful West Saxon kingdom of the late sixth century undoubtedly lay in the region immediately to the south and west of the middle Thames. Archaeological evidence shows that Saxon settlements had been founded in this country even before the traditional date of Cerdic's invasion. Among many possibilities, it seems on the whole most probable that by war or negotiation Cerdic made himself the lord of this district and distributed his followers among its existing settlers." In 'Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England' (first published 1990), Barbara Yorke writes: "... as more work is done, so the Chronicle version of events becomes increasingly suspect ..." The same author, in 'Wessex in the Early Middle Ages' (first published 1995), states: "It is not safe to regard the Chronicle annals for events in Wessex in the fifth and sixth centuries as a reliable account of what occurred. That is not to say that they are a complete fiction, but as 'faction' any historical truth is very hard to untangle from its mythic undergrowth.
Barbara Yorke ('Wessex in the Early Middle Ages') points out: "... features which are likely to have derived from an oral story-telling tradition are people invented from existing place-names. These include a mythical British king Natanleod who was supposedly defeated at Natanleaga (Netley: 'the wet wood'), Port who landed in 501 at Portsmouth (from Latin portus) and Wihtgar whose name derives ultimately from the Latin name of the Isle of Wight which he allegedly ruled." (The Latin name for the Isle of Wight is 'Vectis' - pronounced 'Wectis'. Wihtgarabyrg, meaning 'Wihtgar's Fortress', was probably Wihtwarabyrg i.e. 'Fortress of the people of Wight'. Its likely location was on the site of Carisbrooke Castle). Frank Stenton is not inclined to be quite so dismissive. He writes ('Anglo-Saxon England') about the annal for 501: "This annal has often been dismissed as a fabrication based on the place-name Portsmouth. It is a plausible view, but it does not explain the appearance of the names Bieda and Mægla, it takes no account of the other evidence for Port as an Old English personal name, and it offers no reason for the invention of the annal."
The 'Chronicle' places the arrival of Cerdic and Cynric in 495, and, apparently, again in 514. Similarly, the annal for 527 may well duplicate the event recorded in 508. This duplication has lengthened the timeframe, and probably accounts for the unlikely implication that Cerdic and Cynric spent twenty-four years battling against the British before their position was secure. Æthelweard appears to say that Cerdic and Cynric established Wessex ("they encircled that western part of Britain now known as Wessex") alongside an extra annal for the year 500, and that this was six years after their arrival. From the reign lengths given in a ninth century source associated with the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', known as the 'West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List', a date of 528 or 538 for the establishment of Wessex and start of Cerdic's rule is indicated (the reign of Cynric's son, Ceawlin, is given as both seven and seventeen years), six years after his arrival. Barbara Yorke ('Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England') writes: "Critical analysis of the accounts of the origins of Wessex suggest that Cerdic the founder of the West Saxon dynasty was establishing his position in the 530s, probably in the upper Thames valley." |
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560 - 591 Ceawlin Son of CynricAccording to the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', Ceawlin had a reign of thirty-one years, but in the 'West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List' it is recorded as seven or seventeen. William of Malmesbury (d.c.1143), in his 'Gesta Regum Anglorum' (Deeds of the English Kings), writes: "The Chronicles extol the singular valour of this man in battle, so as to excite a degree of envious admiration; for he was the astonishment of the Angles, the detestation of the Britons, and the destruction of both." In the first battle between Anglo-Saxon kingdoms recorded by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', Ceawlin appears as the victor against Æthelberht of Kent. In what was probably a dispute over the control of Surrey, in 568 "... Ceawlin, and Cutha .... Manuscript F adds that Cutha was "the brother of Ceawlin". Cutha may well be a nickname; a contracted form of his full name.
.... fought with Ethelbert [Æthelberht], and pursued him into Kent." Two of Æthelberht's ealdormen were killed. Ceawlin is listed by Bede as the second king to be recognised as overlord of all the English provinces south of the Humber, and, consequently, also appears as the second Bretwalda listed by the 'Chronicle'. The entry, in the 'Chronicle', for the year 571 reads: "This year Cuthwulf ....
Manuscript E has Cutha instead of Cuthwulf, and identifies Cutha as Ceawlin's brother.
.... fought with the Britons at Bedcanford, and took four towns, Limbury [above Luton], Aylesbury, Benson, and Eynsham. And this same year he died." The controversial aspect of this annal is the implication that there was still territory controlled by the British in that area at that time. Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') argues that, rather than dismiss the annal as fiction, or misplaced far too late, it is possible that the West-Saxons were actually reconquering territory which the Britons had themselves taken back in the aftermath of Mons Badonicus. Alongside the year 577, the 'Chronicle' reports that "... Cuthwine and Ceawlin ....
Later, in the pedigree of Ine, the 'Chronicle' identifies Cuthwine as Ceawlin's son.
.... fought with the Britons, and slew three kings, Coinmail, and Condidan, and Farinmail, on the spot that is called Dyrham, and took from them three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath." The importance of such a victory by the West-Saxons would be that it effectively drives a wedge between the Britons of, what was to become, Wales and those in the south-western peninsula. In 584: "... Ceawlin and Cutha fought with the Britons on the spot that is called Fethanleag. There Cutha was slain. And Ceawlin took many towns, as well as immense booty and wealth. In anger he returned to his own people."
Assuming that Cutha is a nickname formed by shortening the full name, it seems reasonable to assume that this Cutha was Ceawlin's son Cuthwine. In the pedigree of Æthelwulf, which appears in the annal for 855 in Manuscript A of the 'Chronicle', Cuthwine's son is also called Cutha, but in the 'West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List', he is identified as Cuthwulf. Fethanleag (meaning 'Battle Wood'), on the strength of a 12th century reference to a corresponding place name, can probably be placed at Stoke Lyne, Oxfordshire.
It seems that, in 591, Ceawlin was overthrown. In Manuscript A of the 'Chronicle', the annal originally said: "Ceol reigned for five years", however, that was later altered (by another scribe) to "Ceolric reigned for six years".
Later, in the pedigree of Cynegils, Ceol is identified as the son of Ceawlin's brother, Cutha.
Anyway, it would appear that Ceawlin was not going to give up without putting up a fight. The next year (592) "... there was a great slaughter at Woden's Barrow ['Adam's Grave', Wiltshire]; Ceawlin was driven out." Finally, in 593 "... died Ceawlin, and Cwichelm, and Crida ..." |
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591 - 597 Ceol Son of Cutha, Cutha of CynricPresumably Ceol was responsible for the overthrow of his uncle, Ceawlin. There is no record of his exploits. |
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597 - 611 Ceolwulf Son of Cutha, Cutha of CynricThe 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' annal for 597 says: "This year began Ceolwulf to reign over the West-Saxons; and he constantly fought and conquered, either with the Angles [English], or the Welsh [Britons], or the Picts, or the Scots." Barbara Yorke ('Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England') asserts: "It is unlikely that Ceolwulf ever met a Pict or a Scot."
The entry for 607 states: "This year Ceolwulf fought with the South-Saxons." |
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611 - 642 Cynegils Son of Ceol or CeolwulfThe 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' for 611: "This year Cynegils succeeded to the government in Wessex, and held it one and thirty winters." Alongside the year 614, the 'Chronicle' records that "... Cynegils and Cwichelm fought at Beandune, and slew two thousand and sixty-five of the Welsh." The location of Beandune is not known with any degree of certainty. Although his is not the only theory, W.G. Hoskins, in his paper 'The Westward Expansion of Wessex', makes a persuasive argument for Bindon in east Devon. A Cwichelm (presumably the same one) is identified as the son of Cynegils by the 'Chronicle' (annal 648 Manuscript A).
In what might have been a spat over the control of Surrey, around 618, the three brothers who ruled Essex marched against Wessex. Bede notes that the brothers "... were all slain with their army." It would appear that, at this time, Wessex was administered by a tier of sub-kings. Bede reports that, in 626, "the king of the West-Saxons, whose name was Cuichelm [Cwichelm]" sent, for unspecified reasons, an assassin to kill Edwin of Northumbria (who, being Bretwalda, was also overlord of Wessex). The assassination attempt failed, but Edwin was wounded. Following his recovery, Manuscript E of the 'Chronicle' says that: "He then advanced against the West-Saxons with an army, felled on the spot five kings, and slew many of their men." In 628, the West-Saxons' enemy was the Mercians: "... Cynegils and Cwichelm fought with Penda at Cirencester, and afterwards entered into a treaty there." It seems extremely likely that the West-Saxons were forced to cede Cirencester and the land along the Severn (purportedly captured from the Britons, by Ceawlin, in 577) to Penda. It may be that the threat posed by Penda prompted Cynegils and Oswald, Edwin's successor, to form an alliance. In 635, Bede reports that "... the West Saxons, formerly called Gewissæ, in the reign of Cynegils, received the faith of Christ, through the preaching of Bishop Birinus, who came into Britain by the counsel of Pope Honorius [625-638]; having promised in his presence that he would sow the seed of the holy faith in the farthest inland regions of the English, where no other teacher had been before him... but on his arrival in Britain, he first came to the nation of the Gewissæ, and finding all in that place confirmed pagans, he thought it better to preach the Word there, than to proceed further to seek for other hearers of his preaching. Now, as he was spreading the Gospel in the aforesaid province, it happened that when the king himself, having received instruction as a catechumen, was being baptized together with his people, Oswald, the most holy and victorious king of the Northumbrians, being present, received him as he came forth from baptism, and by an honourable alliance most acceptable to God, first adopted as his son, thus born again and dedicated to God, the man whose daughter he was about to receive in marriage. The two kings gave to the bishop the city called Dorcic [Dorchester], there to establish his episcopal see ..." Alongside the year 636, the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' notes that "... Cwichelm was baptized at Dorchester, and died the same year."
In 'The Earliest English Kings', D.P. Kirby notes: "It is generally assumed that the Cwichelm who was baptized by Birinus was the son of Cynegils and had earlier fought beside his father, though this cannot be regarded as absolutely certain. The name was not uncommon. Cynegils' regnal length of thirty-one years, for example, could embrace the reign of an earlier and forgotten King Cwichelm in the 620s. The Cwichelm who fought with Cynegils against the Britons and against Penda could have been this King Cwichelm, or another prince of the same name, or Cynegils' son. A range of possibilities exists."
The 'Chronicle' entry for 639 says: "This year Birinus baptized Cuthred at Dorchester, and received him as his son."
Manuscripts B, C and F say "King Cuthred". A Cuthred is identified as the son of Cwichelm by the 'Chronicle' (annal 648 Manuscript A).
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642 - 645 Cenwalh Son of CynegilsBede says that when Cynegils died "... his son Coinwalch [Cenwalh] succeeded him on the throne, but refused to receive the faith and the mysteries of the heavenly kingdom; and not long after he lost also the dominion of his earthly kingdom; for he put away the sister of Penda, king of the Mercians, whom he had married, and took another wife; whereupon a war ensuing, he was by him deprived of his kingdom, and withdrew to Anna, king of the East Angles, where he lived three years in banishment, and learned and received the true faith; for the king, with whom he lived in his banishment, was a good man, and happy in a good and saintly offspring ..." The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' gives the year of Cenwalh's expulsion as 645. |
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645 - 648
No ruler is recorded for this period. Both the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' and the 'West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List' credit Cenwalh with a reign of thirty-one years. Wessex was presumably subject to Penda of Mercia during this interval. |
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648 - 673 Cenwalh Son of CynegilsCenwalh, by unknown means, regained the throne in 648. During that year, the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' (Manuscript A) notes that he "... gave his relation Cuthred three thousands of land by Ashdown [Berkshire Downs]. Cuthred was the son of Cwichelm, Cwichelm of Cynegils." Bede: "But when Coinwalch [Cenwalh] was restored to his kingdom, there came into that province out of Ireland, a certain bishop called Agilbert, a native of Gaul, but who had then lived a long time in Ireland, for the purpose of reading the Scriptures. He attached himself to the king, and voluntarily undertook the ministry of preaching. The king, observing his learning and industry, desired him to accept an episcopal see there and remain as the bishop of his people. Agilbert complied with the request. And presided over that nation as their bishop for many years....
According to the 'Chronicle', it was in 650 (Manuscript A) that Birinus (Bishop of Dorchester) died and Agilbert was ordained in his stead.
The 'Chronicle' says that, in 652, Cenwalh "... fought at Bradford by the Avon." And, in 658 he "fought with the Welsh at Peonnum, and pursued them to the Parret." The enemy in the 652 battle is not recorded by the 'Chronicle', however, William of Malmesbury writes that Cenwalh "... totally defeated in two actions the Britons, furious with the recollection of their ancient liberty, and in consequence perpetually meditating resistance; first at a place called Wirtgernesburg [meaning 'Vortigern's Fortress'], and then at a mountain named Pene ..." This seems to imply that Wirtgernesburg is synonymous with Bradford, and that the enemy was, therefore, the Britons. On the other hand, Æthelweard, in his rendition of the event, uses the phrase "civil war", which presumably means that he believed the battle to be an internal dispute, or, at least, against other Saxons.
The location of Peonnum is not known with any certainty. Penselwood, on the Somerset/Wiltshire border, has traditionally been favoured, however, W.G. Hoskins ('The Westward Expansion of Wessex') argues for Pinhoe to the north-east of Exeter.
.... At length the king, who understood only the language of the Saxons, weary of his barbarous tongue, privately brought into the province another bishop, speaking his own language, by name Wini [Wine], who had also been ordained in Gaul; and dividing his province into two dioceses, appointed this last his episcopal see in the city of Venta, by the Saxons called Wintancaestir [Winchester]. Agilbert, being highly offended, that the king should do this without consulting him, returned into Gaul, and being made bishop of the city of Paris, died there, being old and full of days....
The 'Chronicle' places Agilbert's departure from Wessex in 660. In 'Wessex in the Early Middle Ages', writes: "... Bede's explanation lacks conviction (particularly as Cenwalh appointed another Frank a few years later) and the decision to found a new bishopric at Winchester is more likely to have been because Mercian conquests in the Thames Valley were making Dorchester untenable as a seat of west Saxon power." Indeed, probably in the late 670s, Dorchester was briefly a Mercian see under Bishop Ætla. Birinus' remains were moved to Winchester "when Haedde [Hedde] was bishop", says Bede. The 'Chronicle' records that Hedde became bishop in 676.
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' for 661: "This year, at Easter, Kenwal [Cenwalh] fought at Posentesbyrg ....'
It is generally assumed that this was a battle against the Britons, but the location of Posentesbyrg is again the subject of debate. The traditional identification of Pontesbury in Shropshire is rejected by W.G. Hoskins. He favours Posbury in mid-Devon, and he notes that "... the Chronicle does not claim it as a victory, and it may have resulted in an agreement between Britons and Saxons rather than a sweeping conquest ..."
.... and Wulfere [Wulfhere], the son of Penda, pursued him as far as Ashdown. Cuthred, the son of Cwichelm, and King Kenbert [Cenberht], died in one year. Into the Isle of Wight also Wulfere, the son of Penda, penetrated, and transferred the inhabitants to Ethelwald [Æthelwalh], king of the South-Saxons, because Wulfere adopted him in baptism." According to Bede, Wulfhere gave Æthelwalh "... two provinces, to wit, the Isle of Wight, and the province of the Meanware, in the country of the West Saxons."
The Meanware were the inhabitants of the Meon valley, in what is now Hampshire (on the mainland opposite the Isle of Wight).
.... Not many years after his [Agilbert's] departure out of Britain, Wini was also expelled from his bishopric by the same king, and took refuge with Wulfhere, king of the Mercians, of whom he purchased for money the see of the city of London, and remained bishop thereof till his death. Thus the province of the West Saxons continued no small time without a bishop....
Wine's expulsion was probably c.665. The 'Chronicle' implies he was Bishop of the West-Saxons for three years following Agilbert's departure. However, he officiated at the consecration of Ceadda (St.Chad) as Bishop of York, because Deusdedit, Archbishop of Canterbury, had died. Deusdedit's death is usually placed in 664, although Bede provides contradictory evidence for the exact date, which has led some scholars to propose that, by modern reckoning, he died on 28th October 663.
.... During which time, the aforesaid king of that nation, sustaining repeatedly very great losses in his kingdom from his enemies, at length bethought himself, that as he had been before expelled from the throne for his unbelief, he had been restored when he acknowledged the faith of Christ; and he perceived that his kingdom, being deprived of a bishop, was justly deprived also of the Divine protection. He, therefore, sent messengers into Gaul to Agilbert, with humble apologies entreating him to return to the bishopric of his nation. But he excused himself, and protested that he could not go, because he was bound to the bishopric of his own city and diocese; notwithstanding, in order to give him some help in answer to his earnest request, he sent thither in his stead the priest Leutherius, his nephew, to be ordained as his bishop, if he thought fit, saying that he thought him worthy of a bishopric. The king and the people received him honourably, and asked Theodore, then Archbishop of Canterbury, to consecrate him as their bishop. He was accordingly consecrated in the same city, and many years diligently governed the whole bishopric of the West Saxons by synodical authority."
It appears that Cenwalh had cultivated connections with the Northumbrian court. Eddius Stephanus, biographer of St.Wilfrid, refers to Cenwalh as the "faithful friend" of Alhfrith, sub-king of Deira. In the 'Historia Abbatum' (Lives of the Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow), Bede says that St.Benedict Biscop (founder of the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow) "... thought he might pay a visit to Cenwalh, king of the West Saxons, whose friendship he had enjoyed and by whose kindness he had been helped on more than one occasion. At that very time, however, Cenwalh was carried off by a sudden and early death." Back to the 'Ecclesiastical History of the English People', where Bede asserts that, when Cenwalh died "... the sub-kings took upon them the government of the nation, and dividing it among themselves, held it for about ten years ..." The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', however, seems to show that this was not quite the case. Following its announcement of Cenwalh's death (actually assigned to the year 672), it states "... and Sexburga [Seaxburh] his queen held the government one year after him." |
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673 - 674 Seaxburh Wife of CenwalhWilliam of Malmesbury maintains that: "... she levied new forces, preserved the old in their duty; ruled her subjects with moderation, and overawed her enemies: in short, she conducted all things in such a manner, that no difference was discoverable except that of sex: but breathing more than female spirit, she died , having scarcely reigned a year." On the other hand, Roger of Wendover claims that Seaxburh: "... was expelled the kingdom by the indignant nobles, who would not go to war under the conduct of a woman." |
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674 - 676 Æscwine The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' places Æscwine's accession in 674: "He was the son of Cenfus, Cenfus of Cenfrith, Cenfrith of Cuthgils, Cuthgils of Ceolwulf, Ceolwulf of Cynric, Cynric of Cerdic." The following year (675) the 'Chronicle' records that Æscwine fought against Wulfhere. The outcome is not mentioned, and the site of the battle, Biedanheafde, is unidentified. Æscwine's death is noted in 676. |
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676 - 685/6 Centwine Son of CynegilsAccording to Eddius Stephanus, St.Wilfrid, who had been exiled by Ecgfrith of Northumbria, was (in 681) refused permission to stay in Wessex because Centwine was married to the sister of Ecgfrith's wife, Iurminburgh. Wilfrid moved on to Sussex. The annal for 682, in the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', is famously enigmatic: "This year Centwin [Centwine] pursued the Britons to the sea." In his paper 'The Westward Expansion of Wessex', W.G. Hoskins writes: "With the battle of 682 the West Saxons virtually completed their conquest of the eastern half of Dumnonia, the part that later became the county of Devon....
The British kingdom of Dumnonia comprised Cornwall, Devon, and possibly parts of Dorset and Somerset. W.G. Hoskins suggests its eastern border "... probably made use of three great natural features which, with little interruption, linked the sea to the north with that to the south: the Parrett estuary and the wide swamps of its middle course, then the massive escarpment of the Blackdown Hills which dominates the western horizon as one comes across the Somerset levels, and finally the broad flood-plain of the Axe valley ..."
.... In all probability their western frontier was now the Ottery-Tamar line, for there is no reason to believe that they had penetrated elsewhere into Cornwall than in the north-east. It is probable that north Devon remained loosely in British hands for another generation, for it was largely moorland and poorish land, with little that was worth fighting for except around the Taw-Torridge estuary."
The battle of 682 is the only reference the 'Chronicle' makes to Centwine's military prowess, however, St.Aldhelm (Abbot of Malmesbury and a contemporary of Centwine) wrote that he was victorious in three battles, although his opponents are not named. The 'Chronicle' annal for 685 announces that one Cædwalla "... began to struggle for a kingdom." According to Aldhelm, Centwine was converted to Christianity, abdicated and entered a monastery. |
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685/6 - 688 Cędwalla Cædwalla had, at some stage, been banished from Wessex. Bede describes him as "... a young man of great vigour, of the royal race of the Gewissæ ....
'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle': "Cædwalla was the son of Cenberht, Cenberht of Cadda, Cadda of Cutha, Cutha of Ceawlin, Ceawlin of Cynric, Cynric of Cerdic."
.... an exile from his country ..."
Eddius Stephanus, in his biography of St.Wilfrid, says that Cædwalla, still a pagan, came to Wilfrid "... from the desert places of the Weald... vowing that if Wilfrid would be his spiritual father and loyal helper he in turn would be an obedient son." (At this time, Wilfrid was himself exiled from Northumbria, and was busy "converting the heathens of the South Saxons")
In 685, Cædwalla began to make his presence felt. His army's first fight was against Sussex. King Æthelwalh was killed, and, says Bede, Cædwalla "... wasted that province with cruel slaughter and devastation ..." However, he was driven out by two of Æthelwalh's ealdormen, who took control of Sussex. Undaunted, Cædwalla turned his attention to Wessex, and "... having subdued and removed the sub-kings, took upon himself the supreme authority."
Eddius Stephanus reports that Wilfrid "... helped and supported Cædwalla in all kinds of ways through his many difficulties until at last he was in a strong enough position to quell his enemies and establish his sway over the whole area of the West Saxons."
He returned to Susssex, killed one of the ealdormen who had earlier fought him off, and, as Bede puts it : "... the province was reduced to more grievous slavery ..." The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' (Manuscript E - the 'Peterborough Manuscript') for 686: "This year Ceadwall [Cædwalla] and his brother Mul spread devastation in Kent and the Isle of Wight....
Bede: "After Cædwalla had obtained possession of the kingdom of the Gewissæ, he took also the Isle of Wight, which till then was entirely given over to idolatry, and by merciless slaughter endeavoured to destroy all the inhabitants thereof, and to place in their stead people from his own province; binding himself by a vow, though it is said that he was not yet regenerated in Christ, to give the fourth part of the land and of the spoil to the Lord, if he took the island. He fulfilled this vow by giving the same for the service of the Lord to Bishop Wilfrid, who happened at the time to have come thither from his own people. The measure of that island, according to the computation of the English, is of twelve hundred families, wherefore an estate of three hundred families was given to the Bishop... Here I think it ought not to be omitted that, as the first fruits of those of that island who believed and were saved, two royal boys, brothers to Arwald, king of the island, were crowned with the special grace of God. For when the enemy approached, they made their escape out of the island, and crossed over into the neighbouring province of the Jutes. Coming to the place called At the Stone, they thought to be concealed from the victorious king, but they were betrayed and ordered to be killed. This being made known to a certain abbot and priest, whose name was Cynibert, who had a monastery not far from there, at a place called Hreutford [Redbridge], that is, the Ford of Reeds, he came to the king, who then lay in concealment in those parts to be cured of the wounds which he had received whilst he was fighting in the Isle of Wight, and begged of him, that if the boys must needs be killed, he might be allowed first to instruct them in the mysteries of the Christian faith. The king consented, and the bishop having taught them the Word of truth, and cleansed them in the font of salvation, assured to them their entrance into the kingdom of Heaven. Then the executioner came, and they joyfully underwent the temporal death, through which they did not doubt they were to pass to the life of the soul, which is everlasting. Thus, after this manner, when all the provinces of Britain had received the faith of Christ, the Isle of Wight also received the same ... The island is situated opposite the borders of the South Saxons and the Gewissæ, being separated from it by a sea, three miles wide, which is called Solvente [The Solent]. In this sea, the two tides of the ocean, which break upon Britain all round its coasts from the boundless northern ocean, daily meet in conflict beyond the mouth of the river Homelea [Hamble], which runs into the aforesaid sea, through the lands of the Jutes, belonging to the country of the Gewissæ; and after this struggle of the tides, they fall back and return into the ocean whence they come."
.... This same Ceadwall gave to St.Peter's minster, at Medeshamstede [Peterborough], Hoo; which is situated in an island called Heabureahg."
The island is now a promontory between the Thames and Medway estuaries in Kent.
A surviving charter testifies to Cædwalla's control of Surrey. Mul was apparently acting as king of Kent, so Cædwalla was in charge of all the provinces south of the Thames. The next year (687), however, the 'Chronicle' reports that Mul was "... consigned to the flames in Kent, and twelve other men with him; after which, in the same year, Ceadwall overran the kingdom of Kent." Perhaps he knew he was fatally ill, since in 688, as Bede records, Cædwalla "... having most vigorously governed his nation for two years, quitted his crown for the sake of the Lord and an everlasting kingdom, and went to Rome, being desirous to obtain the peculiar honour of being cleansed in the baptismal font at the threshold of the blessed Apostles, for he had learned that in Baptism alone the entrance into the heavenly life is opened to mankind; and he hoped at the same time, that being made clean by Baptism, he should soon be freed from the bonds of the flesh and pass to the eternal joys of Heaven; both which things, by the help of the Lord, came to pass according as he had conceived in his mind. For coming to Rome, at the time that Sergius was pope, he was baptized on the Holy Saturday before Easter Day, in the year of our Lord 689, and being still in his white garments, he fell sick, and was set free from the bonds of the flesh on the 20th of April, and obtained an entrance into the kingdom of the blessed in Heaven. At his baptism, the aforesaid pope had given him the name of Peter, to the end, that he might be also united in name to the most blessed chief of the Apostles, to whose most holy body his pious love had led him from the utmost bounds of the earth. He was likewise buried in his church ..." Cædwalla was about 30 years old. |
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688 - 726 Ine (St.Ine) Bede: "When Cædwalla went to Rome, Ini [Ine] succeeded to the kingdom, being of the blood royal ..."
'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle': "Ine was the son of Cenred, Cenred of Ceolwald; Ceolwald was the brother of Cynegils; and both were the sons of Cuthwine, who was the son of Ceawlin; Ceawlin was the son of Cynric, and Cynric of Cerdic."
When Ine succeeded to the throne, his father, Cenred, was not only alive, but also seems to have been a sub-king under his son. Ine is the first king of Wessex known to have issued a code of laws; the earliest surviving specimen of Anglo-Saxon legislation outside of Kent. In the preamble, Cenred is the first of those who Ine credits with assisting in its compilation. Ine appears to have inherited the control of Surrey from Cædwalla, but control of Kent was lost. According to the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', however, in 694, "the people of Kent" came to terms with Ine, and paid compensation for the death of Cædwalla's brother, Mul.
Henry of Huntingdon (d.c.1155) claims that Ine "... marched a formidable and well-arrayed army into Kent to obtain satisfaction for the burning of his kinsman Mul. King Withred [Wihtred], however, advanced to meet him not with fierce arrogance, but with peaceful supplication, not with angry threats, but with the honeyed phrases of a persuasive eloquence; and by these he prevailed on the incensed king to lay aside his arms and receive from the people of Kent a large sum of money as a compensation for the murder of the young prince. Thus the controversy was ended, and the peace now concluded was lasting."
The various manuscripts of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' represent the amount of compensation paid to Ine in different ways. Thirty-thousand is the number common to all except Manuscript C, which has failed to add the 'thousand'. Manuscripts A,D and E do not say what it was thirty-thousand of, whereas the rest say it was 'pounds'. Under Mercian law, a kings wergild (money value, based on rank, placed on an individual's life) was actually thirty-thousand 'sceattas' (forerunner of the penny).
A letter, written in 704-5, to Berhtwald (Archbishop of Canterbury), by Waldhere (Bishop of London) shows that there were strained relations between Ine and Sigeheard and Swæfred, kings of Essex. Ine was promising not to seek vengeance against the East-Saxons, if they would expel West-Saxon exiles who had found shelter there.
It appears that Waldhere had to seek leave to attend a meeting to resolve the dispute (to be held at Brentford), from Berhtwald, since the West-Saxons were being blackballed because they had not complied with the archbishop's request to divide their diocese.
Bede says that Ine "oppressed" Sussex, in the same way as his predecessor, Cædwalla "... for many years; for which reason, during all that time, they could have no bishop of their own; but their first bishop, Wilfrid, having been recalled home, they were subject to the bishop of the Gewissæ, that is, the West Saxons, who were in the city of Venta [Winchester]." The 'Chronicle' notes that, in 710, Ine and his "relative", Nunna (king of Sussex) fought against Geraint, king of Dumnonia.
When Hæddi, Bishop of Winchester, died, in 705, Ine divided the West-Saxon diocese. A new see was created at Sherborne, with St.Aldhelm, Abbot of Malmesbury, as its first bishop. Aldhelm (d.709) had been in contact with Geraint and his bishops, in an attempt to persuade them into adopting the Roman Catholic doctrine. Bede writes that Aldhelm "... wrote a notable book against the error of the Britons, in not celebrating Easter at the due time, and in doing divers other things contrary to the purity of doctrine and the peace of the church; and through the reading of this book many of the Britons, who were subject to the West Saxons, were led by him to adopt the Catholic celebration of our Lord's Paschal Feast."
W.G. Hoskins ('The Westward Expansion of Wessex'): "We are fairly safe in assuming that Ine established a frontier along the river Lynher as a result of his battle with Geraint in 710. The kingdom of Dumnonia shrank once more back to the depths of Cornwall."
St.Boniface (originally called Wynfrith, and probably born in Crediton), who later became known as the 'Apostle of Germany', apparently began his public career as Ine's envoy. The 'Life' of St.Boniface, written within fourteen years of his death, by one Willibald says: "... there arose a sudden crisis during the reign of Ine, king of the West Saxons, occasioned by the outbreak of a rebellion. On the advice of the king the heads of the churches immediately summoned a council of the servants of God, and as soon as they were all assembled a discussion, satisfactory from every point of view, took place among the priests. They adopted the prudent measure of sending trustworthy legates to Bertwald [Berhtwald], the archbishop of Canterbury, fearing that if they made any decision without the advice of the archbishop they would be accused of presumption and temerity. At the conclusion of the discussion, when the entire gathering had reached an agreement, the king addressed all the servants of Christ, asking them whom they would choose to deliver their message." Wynfrith was immediately chosen for the task: "The king entrusted the message and the principal responsibilities of the embassy to him and, after giving him companions, sent him on his way in peace. In accordance with the commands of his superiors he set out with the message and, after a prosperous journey, came to Kent, where he skillfully made known to the archbishop all the matters, from first to last, that the king had told him. On receiving an immediate reply, he returned home after a few days and delivered the archbishop's answer to the king as he sat with the servants of God, bringing great joy to them all. Thus by the wonderful dispensation of God his good name was made known on all sides, and his reputation was high both among the lay nobility and the clergy. From that moment his influence increased by leaps and bounds, so that he became a regular member of their synodal assemblies." These events would have happened around 710-15. Having resigned the Archdiocese of Mainz, St.Boniface was killed, in 754, by pagans while on missionary work in Frisia.
In 715 Wessex would appear to have been invaded by the Mercians since the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' notes that Ine and Ceolred "fought" at a place called 'Woddes beorge' (Woden's Barrow), which is identified with a tumulus now known as 'Adam's Grave', in Wiltshire. Who the victor was is not recorded.
Henry of Huntingdon asserts that "... the slaughter was so great on both sides, that it is difficult to say who sustained the severest loss."
Alongside the year 718, the 'Chronicle' announces the death of Ine's brother, Ingeld. The annal goes on to say that they had two sisters: Cwenburh and Cuthburh. Cuthburh had been married to Aldfrith, king of Northumbria, but they parted ("for the love of God", says Florence of Worcester) and she founded the monastery at Wimborne. According to the 'Annales Cambriae', in 721 or 2, there occurred "... the battle of Hehil among the Cornish ... and the Britons were the victors ..." (The 'Brut y Tywysogion' records the involvement of Rhodri Molwynog, king of Gwynedd).
W.G. Hoskins writes: "In 721 or 722 the Welsh Chronicles record that a combined army of Welsh and Cornish defeated the Saxons at Hehil in Cornwall. Stenton places this at Hayle, in the far west of the country, but it is far more likely to be somewhere on the Camel estuary, of which the old name was Hehil or Hægel. The Camel was the next great obstacle beyond the Ottery frontier. An advance as far west as Hayle, near Penzance, is hardly likely to have gone unnoticed in the Anglo-Saxon chronicles. We must assume that the Saxons received a serious check on the Camel estuary."
During the late years of his reign, Ine's authority appears to have been challenged by rival princes. The 'Chronicle' records that, in 721, Ine "... slew Cynewulf, the ætheling." The entry for 722 says: "This year Queen Ethelburga [Æthelburh] destroyed Taunton, which Ina [Ine] had formerly built; Ealdbert [Ealdberht] wandered a wretched exile in Surrey and Sussex; and Ina fought with the South-Saxons." Then, for 725: "Ina this year also fought with the South-Saxons, and slew Ealdbert, the ætheling, whom he had before driven into exile."
Sir Frank Stenton, in his 'Anglo-Saxon England', calls the above, enigmatic, reference to Æthelburh's destruction of Taunton "... remarkable but by no means luminous ... There is a real danger of treating as fact the fiction with which medieval writers embroidered statements like these, and thus giving to Ine's history a colour and substance for which there is no ancient authority." Medieval writer Henry of Huntingdon: "Ina, in the thirty-sixth year of his reign, marched his army into Sussex, and fought against the South-Saxons with vigour and success. In this battle he slew Ealdbert, whom he had before compelled to flee from a castle called Taunton, which Ina had built. This same Eadbert, the Etheling, who was the king's enemy, had got possession of the castle, but Ina's Queen Ethelburga stormed and razed it to the ground, compelling Eadbert to escape into Surrey."
William of Malmesbury says, of Ine, that "... after his triumphal spoils in war, after many successive degrees in virtue, he aspired to the highest perfection, and went to Rome in the year of our Lord's incarnation seven hundred and twenty-six. There, not to make the glory of his conversion public, he was shorn in secret, and clad in homely garb, that he might be acceptable in the sight of God alone, grew old in privacy. Nor did his queen, the author of this noble deed, desert him, but as she had before incited him to undertake it, so, afterwards, she made it her constant care to soothe his sorrows by her conversation, to stimulate him when wavering by her example; in short, to omit nothing that could be conducive to his salvation. Thus united in mutual affection, in due time they trod the common path of all mankind. This was attended, as we have heard, with singular miracles, such as God often deigns to bestow on the virtues of happy couples."
Helena Hamerow, in 'British Archaeology' (Issue 66, August 2002), writes: "For much of the 20th century, historians and archaeologists believed that the 7th and 8th centuries AD were economically disastrous for Britain and North-West Europe... Anglo-Saxon Southampton - or Hamwic as it was then known - has, more than any other site, helped to reshape our thinking about the fate of long-distance trade and the origins of towns in England during this critical period. It has long been known from written sources that Hamwic was a port and market during the 8th and early 9th centuries. Indeed, we now know that, far from being a 'dark age', this period saw an economic resurgence in Anglo-Saxon England... Hamwic (also known as Hamtun) must have possessed considerable administrative importance, as by the middle of the 8th century it had given its name to the shire - Hamtunscire, that is, Hampshire... Because occupation had shifted by the 10th century to the site of the medieval town of Southampton, mid-Saxon Hamwic, which lay on the west bank of the River Itchen, has remained relatively well preserved... In 1978, the site at Six Dials in the northern part of the settlement provided ... the most informative window yet opened onto Hamwic. Over 60 mid-Saxon buildings were uncovered as well as large numbers of pits containing datable assemblages of finds and animal bones. Six Dials showed conclusively that Hamwic possessed, from the outset, a planned system of well-maintained, gravelled streets as well as defined plots and properties. This was crucial evidence for it implied that the settlement had been created by a centralized authority - presumably the king of Wessex, maybe Ine. As a result of Six Dials and over 50 other excavations within Hamwic, we now know that the wic was founded in about 700, and possibly somewhat earlier, it occupied at least 100 acres (42 ha), and is likely to have had a population of 2,000-3,000. This new type of settlement - so different in size, appearance and function from the farms and monasteries of the period - must have been perceived by contemporaries as a radical innovation, although whether its founder thought he was establishing a 'town' remains a moot point... The evidence which Hamwic yielded for long-distance and regional trade also set it apart. Its wide-ranging trade contacts with the Continent as well as other parts of England are reflected by the provenance of the many coins found there, and by imported goods. Most prominent among these are quernstones from the Rhineland, Frankish glass and pottery. Some 18 per cent of the excavated pottery had been imported from abroad, especially from northern France, the Rhineland and the Low Countries, although some was almost certainly brought by the traders for their own use... it is difficult to define Hamwic's trade connections with any precision, particularly as most of the exports known from written sources to have left England in this period - such as hunting dogs, wool, cloth, hides and slaves - have left no archaeological trace. Many different crafts were practiced at Hamwic, including metalworking, textile production, bone and antler working, and glass working. We can perhaps assume that much of this production served the needs of the local community. Some items, however, must have been marketed more widely. Hamwic was certainly well connected by road and river to its hinterland and, of course, to Winchester... The archaeology indicates that by the mid-9th century, like other English wics, Hamwic was in severe decline, almost certainly caused by the disruptive impact of Viking raiding on long-distance trade and the vulnerability of an undefended riverside site. By the 10th century, Hamwic had been largely abandoned in favour of a site a short distance to the south-west, where a defended settlement was established... Work at Hamwic continues. The most recent excavations on the site of Southampton Football Club's new stadium have uncovered richly-furnished 7th century burials containing weaponry and gold jewellery (BA August 2000) possibly associated with a royal 'vill' or settlement at the north-eastern edge of the wic. These suggest that the date of the founding of Hamwic may need to be pushed back to before 700, thus corresponding more closely with the founding of the wics at London and Ipswich." |
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726 - 740 Æthelheard Bede, rather vaguely, says that, when Ine left Wessex for Rome he "committed it to younger men". The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' (Manuscript A of which places Æthelheard's succession in 728) is specific, however. It says that Ine's successor was his "relative", Æthelheard, but that he was immediately challenged by Oswald, a rival "ætheling" who was allegedly a descendant of Ceawlin. With no indication that it was violent, Oswald's death is reported in 730. Bede, writing about "the present state of the English nation", in 731, states that all the: "... southern provinces, as far as the boundary formed by the river Humber, with their several kings, are subject to King Ethelbald [Æthelbald of Mercia]." Against the year 733, the 'Chronicle' announces that Æthelbald "took Somerton" in Somerset. No detail is given.
In 'The Earliest English Kings', D.P. Kirby raises the possibility "... that it was Aethelbald's support which enabled Aethelheard to defeat the aetheling, Oswald ..." As a result Æthelheard and his successor, Cuthred, were obliged "... to make territorial concessions." Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') writes: "Between 726 and 802 Wessex passed to five successive kings, whose connection with the line of Cerdic is uncertain. For most of this period Wessex was little more than a large province of the Mecian kingdom. Much territory which had once been West Saxon was annexed to Mercia... None of these obscure kings was ever secure in the possession of the border provinces along the Thames."
Æthelheard died about 740 (741 Manuscript A and Florence of Worcester, 739 Symeon of Durham).
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740 - 756 Cuthred When Æthelheard died, he was succeeded by Cuthred - his "relative" says the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', but, according to Symeon of Durham (who places the event in 739) Cuthred was actually Æthelheard's brother. Florence of Worcester, who (along with Manuscript A of the 'Chronicle') places Cuthred's accession in 741, writes that Cuthred "perpetually harassed in war" the Mercian king, Æthelbald. In 743, however, the 'Chronicle' notes that Æthelbald and Cuthred "fought with the Welsh." It seems reasonable to assume that Cuthred was obliged to accompany Æthelbald, his overlord, on this campaign. It also seems that there was civil unrest in Wessex. In 748, the 'Chronicle' reports that: "This year was slain Cynric, ætheling of the West-Saxons ..."
Henry of Huntingdon expands the above statement, though on what authority is impossible to say: "In the ninth year of Cuthred, Kinric [Cynric], his son, was slain, a brave warrior and bold hunter, tender in age, but strong in arms, little in years, but great in prowess; who, while he was following up his successes, trusting too much to the fortune of war, fell in a mutiny of his soldiers, suffering the punishment of his impatient temper."
And that, in 750, Cuthred "... fought with the proud ealdorman Ethelhun [Æthelhun]."
Once more, Henry of Huntingdon fleshes out the story: "In the eleventh year of his reign Cuthred fought against Ethelhun, a proud chief, who fomented a rebellion against his sovereign, and although he was vastly inferior to his lord in number of troops, he held the field against him for a long time with a most obstinate resistance, his exceeding caution supplying the deficiency of his force. But when victory had well nigh crowned his enterprise, a severe wound, the just judgement of his traitorous intentions, caused the royal cause to triumph."
Cuthred's finest hour came in 752 - specified as "the twelfth of his reign" (a clerical error in Manuscript E renders xii as xxii, making it the twenty-second) - when his forces defeated Æthelbald's ("and put him to flight") at an unidentified site called 'Beorhford'. One of the annals which are appended to Bede's 'Ecclesiastical History' says that Cuthred "rose up against" Æthelbald, making it clear that this was indeed a rebellion against Mercian overlordship.
Henry of Huntingdon goes to town: "Cuthred, in the thirteenth year of his reign, being unable to submit any longer to the insolent exactions and the arrogance of King Ethelbald [Æthelbald], and preferring liberty to the hope of life, encountered him at Bereford with bannered legions. He was attended by Ethelhun, the aforesaid chief, with whom he was now reconciled, and, supported by his valour and counsels, he was able to try the chances of war. On the other side , Ethelbald, who was king of kings, had in his army the Kentish men, the East-Saxons, and the Angles, with a numerous host. The armies being drawn up in battle array, and, rushing forward, having nearly met, Ethelhun, who led the West-Saxons, bearing the royal standard, a golden dragon, transfixed the standard bearer of the enemy. Upon this, a shout arose, and the followers of Cuthred being much encouraged, battle was joined on both sides. Then the thunder of war, the clash of arms, the clang of blows, and the cries of the wounded, resounded terribly, and a desperate and most decisive battle began, according to the issue of which, either the men of Wessex, or the men of Mercia, would for many generations be subject to the victors. Then might be seen the troops with rustling breastplates and pointed helmets and glistening spears, with emblazoned standards shining with gold; but a short time afterwards stained with blood, bespattered with brains, their spears shattered, and their ranks broken, a horrible spectacle. The bravest and boldest on both sides gathering about their standards, rank rushed desperately on rank, dealing slaughter with their swords and Amazonian battle-axes. There was no thought of flight, confidence in victory was equal on both sides. The arrogance of their pride sustained the Mercians, the fear of slavery kindled the courage of the men of Wessex. But wherever the chief before mentioned fell on the enemy's ranks, there he cleared a way before him, his tremendous battle-axe cleaving, swift as lightning, both arms and limbs. On the other hand, wherever brave King Ethelbald turned, the enemy were slaughtered, for his invincible sword rent armour as if it were a vestment, and bones as if they were flesh. When, therefore, it happened that the king and the chief met each other, it was as when two fires from opposite quarters consume all that opposes them. Each of them, to excite terror in the other, came on with threatening mein, thrusting forth the right hand, and gathering themselves up in their arms struck furious blows, the one against the other. But the God who resists the proud, and from whom all might, courage, and valour proceed, made an end of his favour to King Ethelbald, and caused his wonted confidence to fail. Since then he no longer felt courage or strength, Almighty God inspiring him with terror, he was the first to flee while yet his troops continued to fight." An abbreviated form of the same yarn is told by Roger of Wendover.
It seems likely that Wessex remained independent for the remainder of Cuthred's reign. His last recorded exploit forms the annal for 753 in the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'. It simply says: "This year Cuthred, king of the West-Saxons, fought against the Welsh." (In this instance, "the Welsh" would be the Cornish Britons). Cuthred's death is recorded alongside the year 754, but, between the years 756 and 830, the majority of entries in all manuscripts of the 'Chronicle' are placed two years early, so this should be 756. Symeon of Durham says Cuthred died in 755. |
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756 -757 Sigeberht Sigeberht, described by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' as a "relative" of Cuthred, succeeded on the latter's death. However, after a year of rule: "... Cynewulf, with the consent of the West-Saxon council, deprived Sebright [Sigeberht], his relative, for unrighteous deeds, of his kingdom, except Hampshire; which he retained, until he slew the ealdorman who remained the longest with him. Then Cynewulf drove him to the forest of Andred, where he remained, until a swain stabbed him at Privett, and revenged the ealdorman, Cumbra." |
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757 - 786 Cynewulf D.P. Kirby ('The Earliest English Kings') suggests that Cynewulf may have secured the throne of Wessex with the support of Æthelbald of Mercia, and, indeed, Cynewulf's first appearance in history is as a witness to a grant of land in Wiltshire, by Æthelbald, in 757. Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England'): "It seems clear that Wessex was once more a Mercian dependency when Æthelbald himself died a few months later." In fact, Æthelbald was assassinated, and Mercia underwent a period of instability as Offa established his authority. Frank Stenton: "There is no doubt that Cynewulf recovered most of the West Saxon provinces which Æthelbald had conquered." However, in 779 (though incorrectly assigned to 777 by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'): "... Cynewulf and Offa fought near Bensington, and Offa took possession of the town." Although Wessex, once more, lost ground to Mercia, Cynewulf appears to have remained an independent sovereign.
The monastery at Cookham, in Berkshire, provides an illustration of how the ownership of border land seesawed between Wessex and Mercia. It was taken by Æthelbald, who gifted it to the Archbishop of Canterbury. After Æthelbald's death, Cynewulf recovered the area, and apparently bribed two of the Archbishop's retainers to steal back the title-deeds for him. Following Cynewulf's reverse at Bensington (Benson, Oxfordshire), Offa took Cookham for himself.
The 'Chronicle' notes that "Cynewulf fought many hard battles with the Welsh". In his paper 'The Westward Expansion of Wessex', W.G. Hoskins states: "We still know little or nothing of the subjection of the western half of Cornwall. It is possible that Cynewulf completed a technical conquest of Cornwall, but if so the British in this part of Dumnonia remained recalcitrant for some time to come."
The 'Chronicle' says that Cynewulf wanted to expel an ætheling called Cyneheard, who was the brother of Cynewulf's predecessor, Sigeberht. However, Cyneheard "... having understood that the king was gone, thinly attended, on a visit to a lady at Merton, rode after him, and beset him therein; surrounding the town without, ere the attendants of the king were aware of him. When the king found this, he went out of doors, and defended himself with courage; till, having looked on the ætheling, he rushed out upon him, and wounded him severely. Then were they all fighting against the king, until they had slain him. As soon as the king's thegns in the lady's bower heard the tumult, they ran to the spot, whoever was then ready. The ætheling immediately offered them life and rewards; which none of them would accept, but continued fighting together against him, till they all lay dead, except one British hostage, and he was severely wounded. When the king's thegns that were behind heard in the morning that the king was slain, they rode to the spot, Osric his ealdorman, and Wiverth [Wigfrith] his thegn, and the men that he had left behind; and they met the ætheling at the town, where the king lay slain. The gates, however, were locked against them, which they attempted to force; but he promised them their own choice of money and land, if they would grant him the kingdom; reminding them, that their relatives were already with him, who would never desert him. To which they answered, that no relative could be dearer to them than their lord, and that they would never follow his murderer. Then they besought their relatives to depart from him, safe and sound. They replied, that the same request was made to their comrades that were formerly with the king; "And we are as regardless of the result," they rejoined, "as our comrades who with the king were slain." Then they continued fighting at the gates, till they rushed in, and slew the ætheling and all the men that were with him; except one, who was the godson of the ealdorman, and whose life he spared, though he was often wounded." In another reference, the 'Chronicle' puts the number of men who died with Cyneheard, the ætheling, at eighty-four. |
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786 - 802 Beorhtric There is a possibility that Beorhtric (whose pedigree, once more, claims descent from Cerdic) came to power with the assistance of the Mercian king, Offa. In 789, Beorhtric married Offa's daughter, Eadburh, and together the two kings expelled from England one Ecgberht, who would later succeed Beorhtric as king of Wessex. Following Offa's death, in 796, Beorhtric seems to have continued his allegiance to Mercia. He apparently persuaded Offa's son, Ecgfrith, to restore land, previously seized by Offa, to Malmesbury Abbey.
Following its announcement of Beorhtric's marriage, the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' notes that: "... in his days [i.e. 786x802] came first three ships of the Northmen....
Manuscript A omits that the three ships were "of the Northmen". Manuscripts D, E and F specify that they were from Hordaland, which is actually the area around Hardanger Fjord in Norway, but all manuscripts still refer to them as "ships of the Danish men". The 'Annals of St.Neots' (12th century - partially derived from a, now lost, version of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle') specifies their landing site as Portland.
.... The reeve then rode thereto, and would drive them to the king's town; for he knew not what they were; and there was he slain....
The term 'gerefa' (reeve) applies to a whole raft of administrative officials. In the course of time, there arose the position of 'scir gerefa' (shire reeve), which evolved into 'sheriff'.
.... These were the first ships of the Danish men that sought the land of the English nation." V |
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802 - 839 Ecgberht Son of EalhmundEcgberht was a descendant of King Ine's brother, Ingild. His father, Ealhmund, is identified by a margin note in Manuscript F of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' as the King Ealhmund ruling Kent in 784. Ecgberht was driven out of England, by Offa of Mercia and his son-in-law Beorhtric (Ecgberht's predecessor as king of Wessex), into exile with the Franks. When Beorhtric died, Ecgberht returned to claim the throne of Wessex. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' says that Ecgberht's period of exile lasted for three (iii) years, but it has been suggested that thirteen (xiii) would be more appropriate. At this time, the Franks were ruled by Charlemagne (in 800 he was crowned emperor of the former western Roman empire - d.814). In 'The Earliest English Kings', D.P. Kirby asserts that "... the accession of Ecgberht, son of Ealhmund, following his return from exile in Gaul, was also probably a consequence of Carolingian and possibly even papal influence, exerted on this occasion on behalf of a southern-based family which had no love for Offa ..."
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' reports that, on precisely the same day that Ecgberht succeeded to the throne, Ealdorman Æthelmund from the Mercian province of the Hwicce (modern Worcestershire, Gloucestershire and western Warwickshire) crossed the Thames at Kempsford, and was met by the men of Wiltshire under Ealdorman Weohstan "... and a terrible conflict ensued, in which both the commanders were slain, but the men of Wiltshire obtained the victory."
In 'Wessex in the Early Middle Ages', Barbara Yorke writes: "The battle seems to have decided that north Wiltshire and Somerset would be finally recognised as part of Wessex ... The boundary between Wessex and the province of the Hwicce seems to have returned to what it was in the late seventh century with Bath and its monastery remaining Mercian possessions for the time being ..."
In 815 (though incorrectly assigned to the year 813 by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'), Ecgberht " ... spread devastation in Cornwall from east to west."
"... probably in reprisal for a British raid into Wessex ..." opines Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England').
And in 825 ('Chronicle' 823): "... a battle was fought between the Welsh in Cornwall and the people of Devonshire, at Galford ..." In the same year, Ecgberht fought what Frank Stenton calls "one of the most decisive battles of Anglo-Saxon history". At the Battle of Ellendun (near Wroughton, Wiltshire), he defeated the Mercian king, Beornwulf ....
D.P. Kirby: "There can be little doubt that it was Beornwulf who was the aggressor, perhaps taking advantage of West Saxon involvement in Dumnonia ..."
.... and followed up by sending a detachment from his army, under the command of his son, Æthelwulf, into Kent. The incumbent king, Baldred (apparently a Mercian appointee) was driven out, and Kent submitted to Ecgberht. Surrey, Sussex, and Essex followed suit. (Æthelwulf ruled these eastern provinces as a sub-kingdom of Wessex). Beornwulf was killed by the East-Angles, who had turned to Ecgberht for "peace and protection against the terror of the Mercians". Subsequently, Beornwulf's successor, Ludeca, was also killed by the East-Angles. Ludeca was succeeded by Wiglaf. In 829 ('Chronicle' 827), Ecgberht expelled Wiglaf, and "... conquered the Mercian kingdom, and all that is south of the Humber, being the eighth king who was Bretwalda... This same Egbert [Ecgberht] led an army against the Northumbrians [ruled by Eanred] as far as Dore [near Sheffield], where they met him, and offered terms of obedience and subjection, on the acceptance of which they returned home." In 830 ('Chronicle' 828), Ecgberht "... led an army against the people of North-Wales, and compelled them all to peaceful submission."
In this context, North Wales is simply Wales - as distinct from West Wales, which is Cornwall.
Ecgberht's supremacy was very short lived, however, since, in the same year, the 'Chronicle' notes that: "... Wiglaf recovered his Mercian kingdom ..."
The 'Chronicle' actually records the submission of the Welsh to Ecgberht after the mention of Wiglaf's return to power, though, presumably, they were chronologically reversed.
Quite how Wiglaf "recovered" Mercia is not recorded. William of Malmesbury says that he was "admitted as a tributary prince" by Ecgberht, though it seems more likely that it was the result of a Mercian uprising. Frank Stenton states that: "... it is doubtful whether he [Ecgberht] exercised any authority outside Wessex and its eastern dependencies during the last nine years of his reign."
How Ecgberht was able to achieve his rapid rise to supremacy, and why he suffered an even quicker reversal of fortune is open to speculation. D.P. Kirby suggests that he was supported by the Franks, but that their assistance was suddenly withdrawn in 830, when there was a revolt against Charlemagne's son and successor, Louis 'the Pious'.
For the last few years of his reign, Ecgberht would appear to have been fully occupied with Viking raiders. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', which has for some time been two years adrift, slips another year behind in its chronology for this period. The annal for 832, therefore, actually refers to 835, when it states: "This year heathen men overran the Isle of Sheppey [Kent]." In the following annal (actually 836), Manuscripts A, B and C say that Ecgberht fought against thirty-five (xxxv) ship's-complements of raiders at Carhampton (on the Bristol Channel, in Somerset), while Manuscripts D, E and F say it was twenty-five (xxv). Either way "... a great slaughter was made, and the Danes remained masters of the field." Two years later (838) "This year came a great naval armament into West-Wales [Cornwall], where they were joined by the people, who commenced war against Egbert, the West-Saxon king. When he heard this, he proceeded with his army against them and fought with them at Hingston Down, where he put to flight both the Welsh and the Danes."
W.G. Hoskins ('The Westward Expansion of Wessex'): "From then onwards Cornwall passed under the domination of Wessex, though there were still native kings in western Cornwall, at least, during the ninth century and probably down to the early tenth."
Whilst the "heathen men" who raided Sheppey would have been Danes, the "Danes" mentioned in the other two raids might well have been the, so called, 'Hiberno-Norse' - Norwegian Vikings based in Ireland, the Isle of Man, islands to the north and west of Scotland, and possibly Wales.
In 839, Ecgberht died. V
In 'Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England', Barbara Yorke opines: "Not the least of Egbert's achievements was to secure the throne of Wessex for his own descendants ... Such dominance by one kin-group had been unknown in Wessex since the time of the sons and grandsons of Cutha. One of the differences between Egbert and the kings who immediately preceded him was that Egbert must have been much wealthier because of his new conquests, and such wealth could be used to purchase support." |
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839 - 858 Æthelwulf Son of EcgberhtÆthelwulf passed control of the eastern sub-kingdom (Kent, Essex, Sussex and Surrey) to his son Æthelstan. The period of Æthelwulf's reign was plagued by Viking raids. In 840, one Ealdorman Wulfheard defeated thirty-three ship's-complements of raiders at Southampton (the 'Chronicle' adds that Wulfheard died the same year) .... The Frankish chronicler Nithard notes that Southampton was attacked in 842. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' is generally three years adrift during this period, so the reference to the battle at Southampton actually appears in the annal for 837. With such nebulous chronology, both references may be to the same event.
.... and Ealdorman Æthelhelm "... with the men of Dorsetshire, fought with the Danish army in Portland-isle, and for a good while put them to flight; but in the end the Danes became masters of the field, and slew the ealdorman." The following year (841, though the 'Chronicle' has 838), Ealdorman Hereberht "... was slain by the heathens, and many men with him, among the Marshlanders [Romney Marsh, Kent]. The same year, afterwards, in Lindsey, East-Anglia, and Kent, were many men slain by the army." In 842 (839 'Chronicle') "... there was great slaughter in London, Quentovic ....
Quentovic (Cwantawic) was a major Frankish port - on the Channel, at the mouth of the Canche. Manuscripts B and C actually substitute Canterbury (Cantwarabyrig) instead.
.... and Rochester." A year later (843, though 840 in the 'Chronicle'), Æthelwulf himself "... fought at Charmouth with thirty-five ship's-crews, and the Danes remained masters of the place." The 'Chronicle' annal for 845 (should probably be 848): "This year Ealdorman Eanwulf, with the men of Somersetshire, and Bishop Ealhstan, and Ealdorman Osric, with the men of Dorsetshire, fought at the mouth of the Parret with the Danish army; and there, after making a great slaughter, obtained the victory." At this point, correct chronology is restored in the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'. However, it is clear that the convention of starting the year in the previous September, by modern reckoning, has been adopted. It must have been in late 850, therefore, that "... Ealdorman Ceorl, with the men of Devonshire, fought the heathen army at Wicganbeorg, and after making great slaughter obtained the victory."
Barbara Yorke ('Wessex in the Early Middle Ages') states that the battles "at the mouth of the Parret" and at Wicganbeorg (the site of which is unidentified) "... are the last recorded ninth-century raids which can plausibly be identified as those of Hiberno-Norse, though we should not discount the possibility of unrecorded hit-and-run raids. However, it would appear that decisive defeats had discouraged the Norse from attempting to establish permanent bases on the north-west coast of Wessex."
The 'Chronicle' makes the ominous note that: "The heathens now for the first time remained over winter."
Manuscripts B,C,D and E (and Æthelweard) specify "in the Isle of Thanet", whereas Asser and Florence of Worcester say Sheppey "... which means, the island of sheep." Both sites are on the north coast of Kent.
Asser takes up the story: "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 851, which was the third after the birth of king Alfred ... a great army of the pagans came with three hundred and fifty ships to the mouth of the river Thames, and sacked Dorobernia [Canterbury], which is the city of the Cantuarians, and also the city of London, which lies on the north bank of the river Thames, on the confines of Essex and Middlesex; but yet that city belongs in truth to Essex; and they put to flight Berthwulf [Berhtwulf], king of Mercia, with all the army, which he had led out to oppose them. After these things, the aforesaid pagan host went into Surrey, which is a district situated on the south bank of the river Thames, and to the west of Kent. And Ethelwulf [Æthelwulf], king of the West-Saxons, and his son Ethelbald [Æthelbald], with all their army, fought a long time against them at a place called Ac-lea, i.e. the Oak-plain, and there, after a lengthened battle, which was fought with much bravery on both sides, the greater part of the pagan multitude was destroyed and cut to pieces, so that we never heard of their being so defeated, either before or since, in any country, in one day; and the Christians gained an honourable victory, and were triumphant over their graves."
Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') writes: "After his victory of 851 there could be no question of his [Æthelwulf's] pre-eminence among English kings."
Also in 851, the 'Chronicle' reports that Æthelwulf's son, Æthelstan and his ealdorman, Ealhhere "... fought in their ships, and slew a large army at Sandwich in Kent, taking nine ships and dispersing the rest."
This is the first recorded naval battle in English history, and also the last appearance of Æthelstan, who must have died shortly afterwards. Manuscript A (similarly Asser and Florence) fails to mention that Æthelstan and Ealhhere "fought in their ships". Manuscript A also appears to place the battle at Sandwich before the onset of winter, though Asser and Florence do not. Ealhhere's title is variously recorded as 'dux' or 'ealdorman', as is that of Eanwulf in the 845 annal. In Manuscripts B and C the annal for 851 is, presumably due to a clerical error, assigned to 853.
In 853 (though the manuscripts of the 'Chronicle' are not unanimous on this), Ealdorman/Dux Ealhhere met his end when he "... with the men of Kent, and Huda with the men of Surrey, fought in the Isle of Thanet with the heathen army, and soon obtained the victory; but there were many men slain and drowned on either hand, and both the ealdormen killed." The 'Chronicle' notes that during the winter of 854/5 "... the heathen men for the first time
remained over winter in the Isle of Sheppey."
Florence of Worcester, who had insisted that the Vikings had spent the winter of 850/1 on Sheppey, sticks to his guns: "A large army of Pagans passed the whole winter in the aforesaid Isle of Sheppey." Asser makes no reference.
It is possible that the external threat posed by the Vikings engendered cooperation between the traditional rivals, Wessex and Mercia, although Wessex was clearly in the stronger position. By 850 the long disputed border territory of Berkshire had finally been transferred to Wessex, apparently by diplomatic means. In 853 Burgred of Mercia (Berhtwulf's successor) "... with his council, besought King Ethelwulf to assist him to subdue North-Wales [i.e. Wales]. He did so; and with an army marched over Mercia into North-Wales, and they made all the inhabitants subject to them." "After Easter", Burgred married Æthelwulf's daughter, Æthelswith, at Chippenham. V
Still in the eventful year of 853, as Asser reports, Æthelwulf "... sent his son Alfred, above-named, to Rome, with an honourable escort both of nobles and commoners. Pope Leo [Leo IV 847-55] at that time presided over the apostolic see, and he anointed for king the aforesaid Alfred, and adopted him as his spiritual son." Since Asser's reportage is essentially an expanded version of events recorded by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', it is not surprising that Alfred's visit to Rome also figures in the 'Chronicle', however, Asser goes on to say: "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 855 ... the aforesaid venerable king Ethelwulf released the tenth part of all his kingdom from all royal service and tribute, and with a pen never to be forgotten, offered it up to God the One and the Three in One, in the cross of Christ, for the redemption of his own soul and of his predecessors. In the same year he went to Rome with much honour; and taking with him his son, the aforesaid king Alfred, for a second journey thither, because he loved him more than his other sons, he remained there a whole year ....
D.P. Kirby ('The Earliest English Kings') writes: "Aethelwulf's journey to Rome is of great interest for it did not signify abdication and a retreat from the world as their journeys to Rome had done for Caedwalla and Ine and other Anglo-Saxon kings. It was more a display of the king's international standing and a demonstration of the prestige his dynasty enjoyed in Frankish and papal circles... The historicity of Alfred's visit to Rome in 853 has also been called into question on the grounds, first, that Asser says that Alfred accompanied Aethelwulf in 855-6, and two visits to Rome by Alfred so close together seem unlikely, and, second, that Alfred's court circle had to introduce a visit by Alfred to Rome before 855 if he was to be represented as having been consecrated by a pope with the significant papal name of Leo (the name of the pope who crowned Charlemagne emperor) ....
.... after which he [Æthelwulf] returned to his own country, bringing with him Judith, daughter of Charles ['the Bald'], the king of the Franks....
Chalemagne was crowned emperor on Christmas Day 800, by Pope Leo III (795-816).
.... rather than the insignificant one of Benedict. If anything, however, the reference in the Chronicle to Alfred's journey to Rome in 853, already part of the text of the annals which Asser used, has priority over Asser's introduction of Alfred into the account of Aethelwulf's visit in 855-6. What does seem beyond question is that if Alfred received consecration at papal hands, whether in 853 or 856, it can hardly have been a royal anointing (for Alfred had three older brothers still living) ....
Æthelbald, Æthelberht and Æthelred.
.... and must have been a confirmation-anointing, subsequently interpreted by Alfred's court circle as a royal anointing. It is unlikely that Alfred had any exact memory of the ceremony and such a gloss on what occurred would certainly have appealed to his advisors c.890... It seems conceivable that Aethelwulf intended that his youngest son should have a career in the Church, and that Alfred's papal confirmation and early visit (or visits) to Rome were intended to mark him out for holy orders."Judith was 12 or 13 years old. Sir Frank Stenton (who died in 1967 whilst working on the third edition of 'Anglo-Saxon England') expressed the opinion that "... the marriage should probably be regarded as nothing more than a demonstration of alliance between two kings threatened by the same enemy [i.e. the Vikings]." However, D.P. Kirby ('The Earliest English Kings', first published 1991) asserts that: "The implication that a son by this marriage was intended to succeed, if not to the whole of Aethelwulf's kingdom, at least to part of it, seems clear."
.... In the meantime, however, whilst king Ethelwulf was residing beyond the sea, a base deed was done, repugnant to the morals of all Christians, in the western part of Selwood. For king Ethelbald [Æthelbald] and Ealstan [Ealhstan], bishop of the church of Sherborne, with Eanwulf, earl [ealdorman] of the district of Somerton [i.e. Somerset], are said to have made a conspiracy together, that king Ethelwulf, on his return from Rome, should never again be received into his kingdom. This crime, unheard-of in all previous ages, is ascribed by many to the bishop and earl alone, as resulting from their counsels. Many also ascribe it solely to the insolence of the king, because that king was pertinacious in this matter, and in many other perversities, as we have heard related by certain persons; as also was proved by the result of that which follows....
Although it is not stated directly, it seems fairly certain that, when he departed for Rome, Æthelwulf left Wessex proper to the care of Æthelbald, and the eastern sub-kingdom (Kent, Essex, Sussex and Surrey) to Æthelberht. In 'Wessex in the Early Middle Ages' (first published 1995), Barbara Yorke writes: "It may have been that Æthelbald had not expected his father to return from Rome. It was a notoriously unhealthy place and two previous West Saxon kings, Cædwalla and Ine, who had made the pilgrimage had died there... Æthelbald attempted to resist his father's return; the second marriage and the threat of rival heirs which might result from it may have been major motives."
.... For as he was returning from Rome, his son aforesaid, with all his counsellors, or, as I ought to say, his conspirators, attempted to perpetrate the crime of repulsing the king from his own kingdom; but neither did God permit the deed, nor would the nobles of all Saxony [i.e. Wessex] consent to it. For to prevent this irremediable evil to Saxony, of a son warring against his father, or rather of the whole nation carrying on civil war, either on the side of the one or the other, the extraordinary mildness of the father, seconded by the consent of all the nobles, divided between the two the kingdom which had hitherto been undivided; the eastern parts were given to the father, and the western to the son; for where the father ought by just right to reign, there his unjust and obstinate son did reign; for the western part of Saxony is always preferable to the eastern....
Barbara Yorke ('Wessex in the Early Middle Ages'): "Asser's words are not without ambiguity and it is not clear whether 'the eastern districts' are Kent, Sussex, Surrey and the East Saxons or the eastern portion of the Wessex heartlands. It has usually been assumed that Æthelwulf took back the former from his son Æthelbert [Æthelberht] ..." Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England'): "... to avoid a civil war he [Æthelwulf] agreed to a division of the kingdom, leaving Wessex to Æthelbald and taking for himself Kent and the other parts of south-eastern England which Egbert [Ecgberht] had annexed in 825." D.P. Kirby ('The Earliest English Kings'): "This cannot be right ... What the evidence suggests, therefore, is that, if there was a division of the kingdom, it was West Saxon territory itself which Aethelwulf partitioned with Aethelbald, Aethelbald continuing to reign in west Wessex, beyond Selwood perhaps, while Aethelwulf ruled east and central Wessex, leaving Aethelberht in Kent; in other words, a territory and position comparable to Aethelberht's in the south-east was carved out for Aethelbald in the south-west."
.... When Ethelwulf, therefore, was coming from Rome, all that nation, as was fitting, so delighted in the arrival of the old man, that, if he permitted them, they would have expelled his rebellious son Ethelbald, with all his counsellors, out of the kingdom. But he, as we have said, acting with great clemency and prudent counsel, so wished things to be done, that the kingdom might not come into danger; and he placed Judith, daughter of king Charles, whom he had received from his father, by his own side on the regal throne, without any controversy or enmity from his nobles, even to the end of his life, contrary to the perverse custom of that nation. For the nation of the West-Saxons do not allow a queen to sit beside the king, nor to be called a queen, but only the king's wife; which stigma the elders of that land say arose from a certain obstinate and malevolent queen of the same nation, who did all things so contrary to her lord, and to all the people, that she not only earned for herself exclusion from the royal seat, but also entailed the same stigma upon those who came after her; for in consequence of the wickedness of that queen, all the nobles of that land swore together, that they would never let any king reign over them, who should attempt to place a queen on the throne by his side... Now king Ethelwulf lived two years after his return from Rome; during which, among many other good deeds of this present life, reflecting on his departure according to the way of all flesh, that his sons might not quarrel unreasonably after their father's death, he ordered a will or letter of instructions to be written, in which he ordered that his kingdom should be divided between his two eldest sons, his private inheritance between his sons, his daughters, and his relations, and the money which he left behind him between his sons and nobles, and for the good of his soul." |
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855 - 860 Æthelbald Son of ÆthelwulfÆthelbald's rule began in 855, while his father spent a year on pilgrimage to Rome. On Æthelwulf's return, it seems likely that Wessex was partitioned between Æthelwulf and Æthelbald, while Æthelberht, Æthelbald's brother, continued to rule the eastern sub-kingdom of Kent, Essex, Sussex and Surrey. Asser, biographer of Æthelwulf's youngest son, Alfred, writes that Æthelbald "... contrary to God's prohibition and the dignity of a Christian, contrary also to the custom of all the pagans, ascended his father's bed, and married Judith, daughter of Charles, king of the Franks, and drew down much infamy upon himself from all who heard of it. During two years and a half of licentiousness after his father he held the government of the West-Saxons." Æthelbald died in 860. Following Æthelbald's death, Judith left Britain and eloped with Baldwin 'Iron Arm'. Baldwin was created 1st count of Flanders by Judith's father. Subsequently, their son, Baldwin II ('the Bald'), married Alfred's daughter, Ælfthryth. |
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860 - 865 Æthelberht Son of ÆthelwulfÆthelberht had been ruling the eastern sub-kingdom (comprising Kent, Essex, Sussex and Surrey) since at least 855 (though there is a possibility that he had to stand down in favour of his father between 856 and 858). When his brother, Æthelbald, died, Æthelberht succeeded to the throne of Wessex proper, but instead of passing the eastern sub-kingdom to his brother, Æthelred (perhaps he was too young), he unified all of Wessex's territory under his own rule. Asser reports that: "In his days a large army of pagans came up from the sea, and attacked and destroyed the city of Winchester. As they were returning laden with booty to their ships, Osric, earl [ealdorman] of Hampshire, with his men, and earl Ethelwulf [ealdorman Æthelwulf], with the men of Berkshire, confronted them bravely; a severe battle took place, and the pagans were slain on every side; and, finding themselves unable to resist, took to flight like women, and the Christians obtained a triumph." According to a ninth century Frankish source ('Annales de Saint-Bertin') this raid was mounted from the Somme.
Asser: "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 864, the pagans wintered in the isle of Thanet, and made a firm treaty with the men of Kent, who promised them money for adhering to their covenant; but the pagans, like cunning foxes, burst from their camp by night, and setting at naught their engagements, and spurning at the promised money, which they knew was less than they could get by plunder, they ravaged all the eastern coast of Kent." V
Asser writes that Æthelberht "... governed his kingdom five years in peace, with the love and respect of his subjects, who felt deep sorrow when he went the way of all flesh. His body was honourably interred at Sherborne by the side of his brothers." |
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865 - 871 Æthelred Son of Æthelwulfthe 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' announces Æthelred's accession to the throne of Wessex in the annal for 866, however it does so before stating "... and the same year came a large heathen army into England, and fixed their winter-quarters in East-Anglia ..." It must have been in the autumn of 865, therefore, that Æthelred succeeded his brother Æthelberht. The "large heathen army" of Danes which arrived in late 865 was to threaten, as Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') says, "the whole fabric of English society". They were commanded by brothers Ivar 'the Boneless' and Halfdan, sons of Ragnar Lothbrok. Having landed in East Anglia they acquired horses (Asser says "they became principally an army of cavalry") and the inhabitants were forced to buy peace. The following autumn (866) the Danes invaded Northumbria. The Northumbrian's had just overthrown their king, Osberht, and placed one Ælla ("not of royal birth") on the throne. Despite pooling their resources Osberht and Ælla were defeated and killed by the Danes at York. Having installed a puppet ruler on the throne of Northumbria, the Danes advanced into Mercia in the autumn of 867. Asser: "... the above-named army of pagans, leaving Northumberland, invaded Mercia and advanced to Nottingham, which is called in the British tongue, "Tiggocobauc," but in Latin, the "House of Caves," and they wintered there that same year. Immediately on their approach, Burhred [Burgred], king of Mercia, and all the nobles of that nation, sent messengers to Ethelred [Æthelred], king of the West-Saxons, and his brother Alfred, suppliantly entreating them to come and aid them in fighting against the aforesaid army.... Burgred was married to Æthelswith, the sister of Æthelred and Alfred.
.... Their request was easily obtained; for the brothers, as soon as promised, assembled an immense army from all parts of their dominions, and entering Mercia, came to Nottingham, all eager for battle, and when the pagans, defended by the castle, refused to fight, and the Christians were unable to destroy the wall, peace was made between the Mercians and pagans, and the two brothers, Ethelred and Alfred, returned home with their troops."
Asser notes that: "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 868, which was the twentieth of king Alfred's life, there was a severe famine. Then the aforesaid revered king Alfred, but at that time occupying a subordinate station, asked and obtained in marriage a noble Mercian lady [Ealhswith], daughter of Athelred [Æthelred], surnamed Mucil, earl (ealdorman) of the Gaini. The mother of this lady was named Edburga [Eadburh], of the royal line of Mercia, whom we have often seen with our own eyes a few years before her death. She was a venerable lady, and after the decease of her husband, she remained many years a widow, even till her own death."
In the autumn of 868, the Danes returned to York. The following autumn (869) they crossed Mercia and re-entered East Anglia: "... Edmund, king of the East-Angles, fought most fiercely against them; but, lamentable to say, the pagans triumphed, Edmund was slain in the battle, and the enemy reduced all that country to subjection."
In late 870, as Asser records (under the year 871) "... the pagan army, of hateful memory, left the East-Angles, and entering the kingdom of the West-Saxons, came to the royal city, called Reading, situated on the south bank of the Thames, in the district called Berkshire; and there, on the third day after their arrival, their earls [jarls], with great part of the army, scoured the country for plunder, while the others made a rampart between the rivers Thames and Kennet on the right side of the same royal city. They were encountered by Ethelwulf [Æthelwulf], earl [ealdorman] of Berkshire, with his men, at a place called Englefield; both sides fought bravely, and made long resistance. At length one of the pagan earls was slain, and the greater part of the army destroyed; upon which the rest saved themselves by flight, and the Christians gained the victory.
Manuscripts B,C,D and E of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' give the name of the slain jarl as Sidroc.
Four days afterwards ....
It is suggested that this point marks the change from the year 870 to 871 in the modern calendar.
.... Ethelred [Æthelred], king of the West-Saxons, and his brother Alfred, united their forces and marched to Reading, where, on their arrival, they cut to pieces the pagans whom they found outside the fortifications. But the pagans, nevertheless, sallied out from the gates, and a long and fierce engagement ensued. At last, grief to say, the Christians fled, the pagans obtained the victory, and the aforesaid earl Ethelwulf was among the slain.
Despite the fact that Berkshire had finally become a possession of Wessex (c.849), the incumbent Mercian ealdorman, Æthelwulf, had retained his position. The 'Chronicle of Æthelweard' says that Æthelwulf's body was secretly taken to Derby, in Mercia.
Roused by this calamity, the Christians, in shame and indignation, within four days, assembled all their forces, and again encountered the pagan army at a place called Ashdune, which means the "Hill of the Ash." The pagans had divided themselves into two bodies, and began to prepare defences, for they had two kings and many earls, so they gave the middle part of the army to the two kings, and the other part to all their earls.
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' identifies the two kings as Bagsecg and Halfdan (brother of Ivar 'the Boneless').
Which the Christians perceiving, divided their army also into two troops, and also began to construct defences. But Alfred, as we have been told by those who were present, and would not tell an untruth, marched up promptly with his men to give them battle; for king Ethelred remained a long time in his tent in prayer, hearing the mass, and said that he would not leave it, till the priest had done, or abandon the divine protection for that of men. And he did so too, which afterwards availed him much with the Almighty, as we shall declare more fully in the sequel. Now the Christians had determined that king Ethelred, with his men, should attack the two pagan kings, but that his brother Alfred, with his troops, should take the chance of war against the earls. Things being so arranged, the king remained a long time in prayer, and the pagans came up rapidly to fight. Then Alfred, though possessing a subordinate authority, could no longer support the troops of the enemy, unless he retreated or charged upon them without waiting for his brother. At length he bravely led his troops against the hostile army, as they had before arranged, but without awaiting his brother's arrival; for he relied in the divine counsels, and forming his men into a dense phalanx, marched on at once to meet the foe. But here I must inform those who are ignorant of the fact, that the field of battle was not equally advantageous to both parties. The pagans occupied the higher ground, and the Christians came up from below. There was also a single thorn-tree, of strutted growth, but we have ourselves never seen it. Around this tree the opposing armies came together with loud shouts from all sides, the one party to pursue their wicked course, the other to fight for their lives, their dearest ties, and their country. And when both armies had fought long and bravely, at last the pagans, by the divine judgment, were no longer able to bear the attacks of the Christians, and having lost great part of their army, took to a disgraceful flight. One of their two kings, and five earls were there slain, together with many thousand pagans, who fell on all sides, covering with their bodies the whole plain of Ashdune. There fell in that battle king Bagsac [Bagsecg], earl Sidrac [Jarl Sidroc] the elder, and earl Sidrac [Jarl Sidroc] the younger, earl Osborn [Jarl Osbern], earl Frene [Jarl Fræna], and earl Harold [Jarl Harald]; and the whole pagan army pursued its flight, not only until night but until the next day, even until they reached the stronghold from which they had sallied. The Christians followed, slaying all they could reach, until it became dark. After fourteen days had elapsed, king Ethelred, with his brother Alfred, again joined their forces and marched to Basing to fight with the pagans. The enemy came together from all quarters, and after a long contest gained the victory." At this point, Asser omits a section carried by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle': "About two months after this, King Ethered [Æthelred] and Alfred his brother fought with the army at Meretun [unidentified]. They were in two divisions; and they put them both to flight, enjoying the victory for some time during the day; and there was much slaughter on either hand; but the Danes became masters of the field; and there was slain Bishop Heahmund [of Sherborne], with many other good men." Asser picks up the narrative again: "After this battle, another army came from beyond the sea, and joined them. The same year, after Easter ....
Florence of Worcester provides a date of 23rd April.
.... the aforesaid king Ethelred, having bravely, honourably, and with good repute, governed his kingdom five years, through much tribulation, went the way of all flesh, and was buried in Wimborne Minster, where he awaits the coming of the Lord, and the first resurrection with the just." |
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871 - 899 Alfred ('the Great') Son of ÆthelwulfAlfred came to the throne "after Easter" 871, following the death (from unknown causes) of his brother Æthelred, during a campaign against a Danish army which had invaded Wessex at the end of 870. Alfred's biographer, Asser, claims that "... Alfred, who had been up to that time only of secondary rank, whilst his brothers were alive, now, by God's permission, undertook the government of the whole kingdom, amid the acclamations of all the people; and if he had chosen, he might have done so before, whilst his brother above-named was still alive; for in wisdom and other qualities he surpassed all his brothers, and moreover, was warlike and victorious in all his wars."
In the spring of 871, the original army had been reinforced by new arrivals from overseas. Asser writes that Alfred: "... when he had reigned one month, almost against his will, for he did not think he could alone sustain the multitude and ferocity of the pagans, though even during his brothers' lives, he had borne the woes of many - he fought a battle with a few men, and on very unequal terms, against all the army of the pagans, at a hill called Wilton, on the south bank of the river Wily, from which river the whole of that district is named, and after a long and fierce engagement, the pagans, seeing the danger they were in, and no longer able to bear the attack of their enemies, turned their backs and fled. But, oh, shame to say, they deceived their too audacious pursuers, and again rallying, gained the victory. Let no one be surprised that the Christians had but a small number of men, for the Saxons had been worn out by eight battles in one year, against the pagans, of whom they had slain one king, nine dukes, and innumerable troops of soldiers, besides endless skirmishes, both by night and by day, in which the oft-named Alfred, and all his chieftains, with their men, and several of his ministers, were engaged without rest or cessation against the pagans. How many thousand pagans fell in these numberless skirmishes God alone knows, over and above those who were slain in the eight battles above-mentioned....
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' says: "This year were nine general battles fought with the army in the kingdom south of the Thames". Asser has omitted from his account a battle, recorded by the 'Chronicle', at an unidentified site called Meretun.
.... In the same year the Saxons made [i.e. bought] peace with the pagans, on condition that they should take their departure, and they did so." V
In 874, the Danes drove out Burgred, king of Mercia (he spent the rest of his life in Rome), and placed a 'puppet' king on the throne. In the autumn of that year, they divided their forces. Part, under the leadership of Halfdan, went to Northumbria and established the Kingdom of York. The remainder, under three kings - Guthrum, Oscytel and Anund - spent the following year in Cambridge.
In the summer of 875, the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' notes that "... King Alfred went out to sea with an armed fleet, and fought with seven ship-rovers, one of whom he took, and dispersed the others." Towards the end of that year, the Danish faction which had been based at Cambridge "... stole into Wareham [in Dorset], a fort of the West-Saxons." In 876 Alfred "made peace" with the Danes, but, presumably because of their reduced numbers, he was in a stronger negotiating position. Asser: "With this army Alfred made a solemn treaty, to the effect that they should depart out of the kingdom, and for this they made no hesitation to give as many hostages as he named; also they swore an oath over the Christian relics ....
The 'Chronicle' says that they "... swore with oaths on the holy ring, which they would not before to any nation ..." The mid 13th century 'Eyrbyggja Saga': "... there stood a stall in the midst of the floor in the fashion of an altar, and thereon lay a ring without a join that weighed twenty ounces, and on that must men swear all oaths; and that ring must the chief have on his arm at all man-motes."
.... which with king Alfred were next in veneration after the Deity himself, that they would depart speedily from the kingdom. But they again practised their usual treachery, and caring nothing for the hostages or their oaths, they broke the treaty, and sallying forth by night, slew all the horsemen that the king had round him, and turning off into Devon, to another place called in Saxon "Exauceaster" [Exeter], but in British "Cair-wise", which means in Latin, the city of the Ex, situated on the eastern bank of the river Wise, they directed their course suddenly towards the south sea, which divides Britain and Gaul, and there passed the winter [of 876/7]... The number of that disorderly crew increased every day, so that, if thirty thousand of them were slain in one battle, others took their places to double the number. Then King Alfred commanded boats and galleys, i.e. long ships, to be built throughout the Kingdom, in order to offer battle by sea to the enemy as they were coming. On board of these he placed seamen, and appointed them to watch the seas. Meanwhile he went himself to Exeter, where the pagans were, wintering, and having shut them up within the walls, laid siege to the town. He also gave orders to his sailors to prevent them from obtaining any supplies by sea; and his sailors were encountered by a fleet of a hundred and twenty ships full of armed soldiers, who were come to help their countrymen. As soon as the king's men knew that they were fitted with pagan soldiers, they leaped to their arms, and bravely attacked those barbaric tribes: but the pagans, who had now for almost a month been tossed and almost wrecked among the waves of the sea, fought vainly against them; their bands were discomfited in a moment, and all were sunk and drowned in the sea, at a place called Suanewic [Swanage]."
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' makes it clear that the ships were sunk by a severe storm.
Weakened by the loss of their fleet, the Danes were obliged to come to terms with Alfred, and "... in the month of August [877], that army went into Mercia, and gave part of that country to one Ceolwulf, a weak-minded man, and one of the king's ministers; the other part they divided among themselves."
Roughly speaking, the Danes settled the eastern half of Mercia, leaving the west to the Anglo-Saxons.
It appears, however, that not all of the Danes were happy to settle in Mercia, and, early in January 878, a surprise invasion of Wessex was launched. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle': "... about mid-winter, after twelfth-night, the
Danish army stole out to Chippenham, and rode over the land of the West-Saxons; where they settled, and drove many of the people over sea; and of the rest the greatest part they rode down, and subdued to their will - all but Alfred the king. He, with a little band, uneasily sought the woods and fastnesses of the moors."
It seems likely that one Wulfhere (probably ealdorman of Wiltshire) was one of those who capitulated to the Danes. A later charter notes that he forfeited lands for treasonous conduct. As will be seen, the ealdormen of Devon and Somerset were among those who remained loyal to Alfred.
At this point, in Asser's 'Life of King Alfred', appears a famous yarn, which it is assumed was incorporated by Archbishop Matthew Parker, for his edition, published in 1574: "Alfred, king of the West-Saxons, with a few of his nobles, and certain soldiers and vassals, used to lead an unquiet life among the woodlands of the country of Somerset, in great tribulation; for he had none of the necessaries of life, except what he could forage openly or stealthily, by frequent sallies, from the pagans, or even from the Christians who had submitted to the rule of the pagans, and as we read in the Life of St.Neot, at the house of one of his cowherds. But it happened on a certain day, that the countrywoman, wife of the cowherd, was preparing some loaves to bake, and the king, sitting at the hearth, made ready his bow and arrows and other warlike instruments. The unlucky woman espying the cakes burning at the fire, ran up to remove them, and rebuking the brave king, exclaimed:
"Ca'sn thee mind the ke-aks, man, an' doossen zee 'em burn? I'm boun thee's eat 'em vast enough, az zoon az 'tiz the turn." The translator, Dr. J.A. Giles (published 1847), makes the following note: "The original here is in Latin verse, and may therefore be rendered into English verse, but such as every housewife in Somersetshire would understand."
The blundering woman little thought that it was king Alfred, who had fought so many battles against the pagans, and gained so many victories over them. But the Almighty not only granted to the same glorious king victories over his enemies, but also permitted him to be harassed by them, to be sunk down by adversities, and depressed by the low estate of his followers, to the end that he might learn that there is one Lord of all things, to whom every knee doth bow, and in whose hand are the hearts of kings; who puts down the mighty from their seat and exalteth the humble; who suffers his servants when they are elevated at the summit of prosperity to be touched by the rod of adversity, that in their humility they may not despair of God's mercy, and in their prosperity they may not boast of their honours, but may also know, to whom they owe all the things which they possess. We may believe that the calamity was brought upon the king aforesaid, because, in the beginning of his reign, when he was a youth, and influenced by youthful feelings, he would not listen to the petitions which his subjects made to him for help in their necessities, or for relief from those who oppressed them; but he repulsed them from him, and paid no heed to their requests. This particular gave much annoyance to the holy man St.Neot, who was his relation, and often foretold to him, in the spirit of prophecy, that he would suffer great adversity on this account; but Alfred neither attended to the reproof of the man of God, nor listened to his true prediction. Wherefore, seeing that a man's sins must be corrected either in this world or the next, the true and righteous Judge was willing that his sin should not go unpunished in this world, to the end that he might spare him in the world to come. From this cause, therefore, the aforesaid Alfred often fell into such great misery, that sometimes none of his subjects knew where he was or what had become of him.
Asser takes up the story: "In the same year [878] the brother of Hingwar [Ivar 'the Boneless'] and Halfdene [Halfdan], with twenty-three ships ....
Æthelweard says that there were thirty ships.
.... after much slaughter of the Christians, came from the country of Demetia [south-west Wales], where he had wintered, and sailed to Devon, where, with twelve hundred others, he met with a miserable death, being slain while committing his misdeeds, by the king's servants, before the castle of Cynuit [Countisbury], into which many of the king's servants, with their followers, had fled for safety....
Asser appears to have misread the number of dead. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' says that Ivar and Halfdan's brother "... was slain, and eight hundred men with him, and forty of his army." The "forty of his army" were presumably from his personal retinue.
.... The pagans, seeing that the castle was altogether unprepared and unfortified, except that it had walls in our own fashion, determined not to assault it, because it was impregnable and secure on all sides, except on the eastern, as we ourselves have seen, but they began to blockade it, thinking that those who were inside would soon surrender either from famine or want of water, for the castle had no spring near it....
Æthelweard says that it was Odda, the "dux" (i.e. ealdorman) of Devon who was besieged in the castle.
.... But the result did not fall out as they expected; for the Christians, before they began to suffer from want, inspired by Heaven, judging it much better to gain victory or death, attacked the pagans suddenly in the morning, and from the first cut them down in great numbers, slaying also their king, so that few escaped to their ships; and there they gained a very large booty, and amongst other things the standard called Raven; for they say that the three sisters of Hingwar and Hubba [Ubbi], daughters of Lodobroch [Ragnar Lothbrok], wove that flag and got it ready in one day. They say, moreover, that in every battle, wherever that flag went before them, if they were to gain the victory a live crow would appear flying on the middle of the flag; but if they were doom to be defeated it would hang down motionless, and this was often proved to be so. The same year [878], after Easter, king Alfred, with a few followers, made for himself a stronghold in a place called Athelney, and from thence sallied with his vassals and the nobles of Somersetshire, to make frequent assaults upon the pagans....
Æthelweard identifies Æthelnoth as "dux" of Somerset. Later, Alfred had a monastery built at Athelney. From Asser's description, it becomes apparent why Alfred chose the site as a base for his guerilla operations: "... Athelney, which is a place surrounded by impassable marshes and rivers, where no one can enter but by boats, or by a bridge laboriously constructed between two other heights; at the western end of which bridge was erected a strong tower, of beautiful work, by command of the aforesaid king; and in this monastery he collected monks of all kinds, from every quarter, and placed them therein."
.... Also, in the seventh week after Easter, he rode to the stone of Egbert [Ecgberht], which is in the eastern part of the wood which is called Selwood, which means in Latin Silva Magna, the Great Wood, but in British Coit-mawr. Here he was met by all the neighbouring folk of Somersetshire, and Wiltshire, and Hampshire, who had not, for fear of the pagans, fled beyond the sea; and when they saw the king alive after such great tribulation, they received him, as he deserved, with joy and acclamations, and encamped there for one night. When the following day dawned, the king struck his camp, and went to Okely, where he encamped for one night. The next morning he removed to Edington, and there fought bravely and perseveringly against all the army of the pagans, whom, with the divine help, he defeated with great slaughter, and pursued them flying to their fortification. Immediately he slew all the men, and carried off all the booty that he could find without the fortress, which he immediately laid siege to with all his army; and when he had been there fourteen days, the pagans, driven by famine, cold, fear, and last of all by despair, asked for peace, on the condition that they should give the king as many hostages as he pleased, but should receive none of him in return, in which form they had never before made a treaty with any one. The king, hearing that, took pity upon them, and received such hostages as he chose; after which the pagans swore, moreover, that they would immediately leave the kingdom; and their king, Gothrun [Guthrum], promised to embrace Christianity, and receive baptism at king Alfred's hands. For after seven weeks Gothrun, king of the pagans, with thirty men chosen from the army, came to Alfred at a place called Aller, near Athelney, and there King Alfred, receiving him as his son by adoption, raised him up from the holy laver of baptism ..."
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' says that it was actually after three weeks, and not seven, that Guthrum went to Aller. Perhaps Asser was recalling "the seventh week after Easter" that Alfred went to Ecgberht's Stone.
Guthrum received the baptismal name of Æthelstan, and his "chrism-loosing" took place at Wedmore.
A white fillet was anointed with consecrated oil (chrism). This was bound around the head at baptism, and ceremonially removed on the eighth day afterwards. According to Æthelweard, Æthelnoth, the ealdorman of Somerset "... purified the same king after his baptism, at a place called Wedmore ..."
As the 'Chronicle' notes, Guthrum was "... twelve nights with the king, who honoured him and his attendants with many presents." Late in 878 "... went the army from Chippenham to Cirencester [in Mercia], and sat there a year." In late 879 they travelled "... from Cirencester into East-Anglia, where they settled, and divided the land." King Guthrum ruled East Anglia until his death, in 890.
As Guthrum's army was leaving Wessex, in the autumn of 878, so another Viking army sailed up the Thames and overwintered at Fulham. In the autumn of 879 they sailed from Britain, and camped at Ghent. Their progress on the Continent was carefully monitored.
Æthelweard: "After a year they attempted to proceed farther; but the armies of the Franks assaulted them so vigorously that they gained the victory, while the barbarians were put to flight. After the lapse of a year the above-mentioned army passed into the higher districts of the river Meuse, and established their camp at Ascloha."
Asser: "In the same year [882] Alfred, king of the Anglo-Saxons, fought a battle by sea against the pagan fleet, of which he captured two ships, having slain all who were on board; and the two commanders of two other ships, with all their crews, distressed by the battle and the wounds which they had received, laid down their arms and submitted to the king."
Æthelweard: "In the following year the above-named army set out for the districts above the Scheldt, at a place called Conde, and there fixed their winter quarters. After the expiration of a single year a violent slaughter committed by the aforesaid army broke out on the higher districts of the Somme, near the town of Amiens, and there they pitched their camp for the winter."
Towards the end of 884, as Asser records "... the aforesaid army divided into two parts; one body of them went into East France ....
Æthelweard says they besieged Louvain.
.... and the other coming to Britain entered Kent, where they besieged a city called in Saxon Rochester, and situated on the eastern bank of the river Medway. Before the gate of the town the pagans suddenly erected a strong fortress, but yet they were unable to take the city, because the citizens defended themselves bravely, until king Alfred came up to help them with a large army. Then the pagans abandoned their fortress, and all their horses which they had brought with them out of France, and leaving behind them in the fortress the greater part of their prisoners, on the arrival of the king, fled immediately to their ships, and the Saxons immediately seized on the prisoners and horses left by the pagans; and so the pagans, compelled by stern necessity, returned the same summer [885] to France." According to Æthelweard, not all of these raiders left Britain. He says: "Some of them retreated beyond the sea. In the course of that year they renewed their treaty by giving hostages to the Angles, and twice in the year they divided the spoil obtained by fraud in the densely wooded district close to the southern borders of the river Thames. The filthy crew which then held within its power the East Angles furnished their supplies, and then they suddenly sought an outward course toward Bamfleet. There the united bands divided with ill-omened movements: some remained, and some departed beyond the sea." This passage is unique to Æthelweard, and it does explain Alfred's next move, as told by Asser: "... Alfred, king of the Anglo-Saxons, led his fleet, full of fighting men, out of Kent to the country of the East-Angles, for the sake of plunder; and, when they had arrived at the mouth of the river Stour, immediately thirteen ships of the pagans met them, prepared for battle; a fierce fight ensued, and all the pagans, after a brave resistance, were slain; all the ships, with all their money, were taken. After this, while the royal fleet were reposing, the pagans, who lived in the eastern part of England, assembled their ships, met the same royal fleet at sea in the mouth of the same river, and, after a naval battle, the pagans gained the victory... In the same year also [885] the army of pagans, which dwelt among the East Angles, disgracefully broke the peace which they had concluded with king Alfred." The following year (886), as reported by Asser "... Alfred, King of the Anglo-Saxons, after the burning of the cities and the slaying of the people, honourably rebuilt the city of London, and made it again habitable. He gave it into the custody of his son-in-law, Ethered [Æthelred], earl [ealdorman] of Mercia ..."
Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') suggests that a Danish garrison may have occupied London since 872. Æthelred appears in 883 as ruler of the Anglo-Saxon portion (i.e. western half) of Mercia, but owing fealty to Alfred. At some stage before the end of the 880s, Æthelred married Alfred's eldest child, Æthelflæd.
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' states: "King Alfred fortified the city of London; and the whole English nation turned to him, except that part of it which was held captive by the Danes."
Asser notes that, previously, several Welsh rulers had also submitted to Alfred's overlordship. He writes: "Nor was it in vain that all these princes gained the friendship of the king. For those who desired to augment their worldly power, obtained power; those who desired money, gained money; and in like way, those who desired his friendship, or both money and friendship, succeeded in getting what they wanted. But all of them gained his love and guardianship and defence from every quarter, even as the king with his men could protect himself."
It was probably at this time that Alfred concluded a famous treaty with Guthrum. Amongst other things, the treaty defines the border between their territories.
Asser writes: "Now the king was pierced with many nails of tribulation, though placed in the royal seat; for from the twentieth year of his age to the present year, which is his fortieth [i.e. 888], he has been constantly afflicted with most severe attacks of an unknown complaint, so that he has not a moment's ease either from suffering the pain which it causes, or from the gloom which is thrown over him by the apprehension of its coming. Moreover, the constant invasions of foreign nations, by which he was continually harassed by land and sea, without any interval of quiet, were a just cause of disquiet. What shall I say of his repeated expeditions against the pagans, his wars, and incessant occupations of government? Of the daily embassies sent to him by foreign nations, from the Tyrrhenian sea to the farthest end of Ireland? For we have seen and read letters, accompanied with presents, which were sent to him by Abel the patriarch of Jerusalem. What shall I say of the cities and towns which he restored, and of others which he built, where none had been before? Of the royal halls and chambers, wonderfully erected by his command, with stone and wood? Of the royal vills constructed of stone, removed from their old site, and handsomely rebuilt by the king's command in more fitting places? Besides the disease above mentioned, he was disturbed by the quarrels of his friends, who would voluntarily endure little or no toil, though it was for the common necessity of the kingdom; but he alone, sustained by the divine aid, like a skilful pilot, strove to steer his ship, laden with much wealth, into the safe and much desired harbour of his country, though almost all his crew were tired, and suffered them not to faint or hesitate, though sailing amid the manifold waves and eddies of this present life."
The year 892 saw the arrival in Britain of another Danish army: The Danish Invasion of 892.
Although the main body of the invading army dispersed in the summer of 896, Wessex continued to be harassed by pirate raids from Northumbria and East Anglia. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' reports that, in order to counter the superior Viking warships, Alfred ordered the building of vessels "... which were full-nigh twice as long as the others. Some had sixty oars, some more; and they were both swifter and steadier, and also higher ....
Michael Swanton, in his translation of the 'Chronicle' (first published 1996) prefers to interpret the Anglo-Saxon word 'hierran' as 'more responsive', rather than 'higher'.
.... than the others. They were not shaped either after the Frisian or the Danish model, but so as he himself thought that they might be most serviceable." The 'Chronicle' then tells how nine of Alfred's new ships were sent after six Danish ships which were raiding the south coast. Alfred's ships trapped the Danes in an estuary. Three of the Danish vessels were beached whilst their occupants were ashore. Alfred's ships engaged the other three, capturing two at the river-mouth, and killing the occupants, whilst "... the third veered off, but all the men were slain except five; and they too were severely wounded." The situation became somewhat farcical. The retreating tide had grounded all of Alfred's ships. Three of them were on the same side of the river as the beached Danes, whilst the rest were stranded on the other side. The Danes, from their remaining three ships, attacked Alfred's three isolated vessels. In the ensuing battle, the death toll from Alfred's force was sixty-two, whilst a hundred and twenty Danes were killed.
Alfred had attracted people of many nationalities to his service. Asser writes: "Many Franks, Frisians, Gauls, pagans, Britons, Scots, and Armoricans, noble and ignoble, submitted voluntarily to his dominion; and all of them, according to their nation and deserving, were ruled, loved, honoured, and enriched with money and power." In the above engagement, Alfred's force consisted of both English and Frisian men.
As the tide came in, the Danes managed to get their ships afloat first, and they rowed out to sea, however "... they were so crippled, that they could not row them beyond the coast of Sussex: there two of them the sea drove ashore; and the crew were led to Winchester to the king, who ordered them to be hanged. The men who escaped in the single ship came to East-Anglia, severely wounded." That summer (896) the Danes "... lost no less than twenty ships, and the men withal, on the southern coast."
It wasn't only the navy which Alfred improved. He organised the manning of the militia (fyrd) on a rota basis. This meant that, whilst there were always troops ready to deal with emergency situations, there were also men free to tend the land. A scheme to provide a planned network of fortified settlements (The word 'borough' is derived from 'burh', meaning fortress) in Sussex, Surrey and Wessex (east of the Tamar) was probably conceived by Alfred (which does not mean that some isolated burhs were not in existence prior to his reign), though it was not completed before the reign of his son, Edward. (Details of this scheme are known from a document from Edward's reign known as the 'Burghal Hidage'). Alfred was not only concerned with military matters. He promoted literacy, religion and education. Although he may not have been directly responsible for initiating the project, compilation of what is now known as the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' began during his reign. Despite being illiterate until he was at least twelve, he personally translated works of religious instruction, philosophy and history into Anglo-Saxon. Alfred also issued a code of laws based around, not only, those of his predecessor, Ine, but also those of Æthelberht of Kent and Offa of Mercia. (No copy of Offa's laws has survived). Alfred died on 26th October 899. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' says: "He was king over all the English nation, except that part that was under the power of the Danes." |
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899 - 924 Edward ('the Elder') Son of AlfredEdward succeeded when his father, Alfred, died but he immediately had to deal with a challenge from his cousin Æthelwold (son of Alfred's brother and predecessor, Æthelred). Æthelwold occupied the royal manors of Wimborne and Christchurch. Edward and his army camped near Wimborne (at the prehistoric fortress of Badbury Rings) where Æthelwold prepared for a siege. Despite Æthelwold's bold announcement that "he would either there live or there die", the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' reports that "... he stole away in the night, and sought the army in Northumbria. The king gave orders to ride after him; but they were not able to overtake him. The Danes, however, received him as their king.... It seems unlikely that Æthelwold would be accepted as king by the Northumbrian Danes. This claim is made by Manuscripts B, C and D of the 'Chronicle', whilst Manuscript A (the oldest extant) does not contain the statement.
....They then rode after the wife that Ethelwald [Æthelwold] had taken without the king's leave, and against the command of the bishops; for she was formerly consecrated a nun."
Alfred's lawcode states: "If any one carry off a nun from a minster, without the king's or the bishop's leave, let him pay a hundred and twenty shillings ..."
That was not to be the last of Æthelwold. In 902, as noted by the 'Chronicle' (which places the event in 904), Æthelwold came "... hither over sea with all the fleet that he could get, and he was submitted to in Essex."
Although Manuscript A reports that Æthelwold landed in Essex, it does not suggest (as do B, C and D) that "he was submitted to in Essex".
The following year (903), Æthelwold "... enticed the army in East-Anglia to rebellion; so that they overran all the land of Mercia, until they came to Cricklade, where they forded the Thames; and having seized, either in Braydon or thereabout, all that they could lay their hands upon, they went homeward again. King Edward went after, as soon as he could gather his army, and overran all their land between the dykes and the Wusan ....
The dykes being the 'Devil's Dyke' and 'Fleam Dyke' in Cambridgeshire. The Wusan is probably the Wissey, but possibly the Ouse.
.... quite to the fens northward. Then being desirous of returning thence, he issued an order through the whole army, that they should all go out at once. But the Kentish men remained behind, contrary to his order, though he had sent seven messengers to them. Whereupon the army surrounded them, and there they fought... And there was on either hand much slaughter made; but of the Danes there were more slain, though they remained masters of the field." Amongst those killed were Eohric, Danish king of East Anglia, and Æthelwold.
Two charters from 926 (of Edward's son Athelstan) refer to parcels of land bought from the Danes, by Englishmen, on the instructions of Edward and Æthelred of Mercia. (One parcel is in Derbyshire and the other in Bedfordshire). It seems unlikely that these were isolated transactions, so, maybe, there was a policy to infiltrate Danish held territory on a large scale. They also show that not all contact between Dane and Englishman was hostile.
Symeon of Durham says that, in 906: "King Edward, compelled by necessity, confirmed a peace with the East Angles and Northumbrians."
This statement also appears as one of the few entries during the first half of the 10th century in Manuscript E of the 'Chronicle'. From entries in other manuscripts it would appear that this treaty was made at 'Yttingaford' (a crossing of the River Ouzel near Leighton Buzzard), though no mention of Edward being "compelled by necessity" is made.
Three years later (i.e. 909), however, as the 'Chronicle' reports: "... King Edward sent an army both from Wessex and Mercia, which very much harassed the northern army by their attacks on men and property of every kind. They slew many of the Danes, and remained in the country five weeks." The following peace was short lived. The next year (910), the Northumbrian "army" went on the offensive "and plundered the land of the Mercians." At the time, Edward "... had gathered together about a hundred ships, and was then in Kent while the ships were sailing along sea by the south-east to meet him. The army therefore supposed that the greatest part of his force was in the ships, and that they might go, without being attacked, where that ever they would. When the king learned on enquiry that they were gone out on plunder, he sent his army both from Wessex and Mercia; and they came up with the rear of the enemy as he was on his way homeward, and there fought with him and put him to flight, and slew many thousands of his men."
The site of the battle, though not given by Manuscript A, is given as Tettenhall (Stafordshire) by other manuscripts. More detail is provided by Æthelweard, who says that the Danes were intercepted whilst crossing the Severn at Bridgnorth, and that the subsequent battle actually took place at Wednesfield (three miles east of Tettenhall), on the 5th August. It seems that three Viking kings - Halfdan, Eowils and Ivar - were among those killed.
Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') opines: "The battle of Tettenhall opened the way to the great expansion of the West Saxon kingdom which occurred in the following years. The gradual reduction of East Anglia and the Danish midlands by the king of Wessex could never have been brought about if the Danish colonists of that country had been supported by a strong Northumbrian kingdom."
In 911, Æthelred of Mercia died. His wife, Æthelflæd (who was, of course, Edward's sister), stepped into his shoes, and, as 'Lady of the Mercians', she proved to be a formidable leader.
Æthelflæd's contribution to the success of Edward's campaigns against the Danes is pointedly ignored in the Wessex version (Manuscript A) of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'. In manuscripts B and C, after the annal for 915, is inserted a block of material known as the 'Mercian Register', which covers the years 902-924. (In manuscript D, a not entirely successful attempt has been made to integrate it with the rest of the 'Chronicle'). It records that Æthelflæd was responsible for the building of one fortress in 910, the year prior to Æthelred's death (he had, apparently, been sick for some time, and it seems that Æthelflæd was already running Mercia), and goes on to record another nine fortresses which she built between 912 and 915. William of Malmesbury (d.c.1143) writes: "This spirited heroine assisted her brother greatly with her advice; she was of equal service in building cities, nor could you easily discern whether it were more owing to fortune or her own exertions, that a woman should be able to protect men at home, and to intimidate them abroad."
Edward took over control of London and Oxford ("and to all the lands that thereunto belonged") himself, and then "... about Martinmas [11th November 911], King Edward had the northern fortress built at Hertford, betwixt the Maran, and the Beane, and the Lea. After this, in the summer [of 912], betwixt gang-days and midsummer ....
Gang Days or Rogation Days are 25th April (the Major Rogation) and the three days preceding Ascension Day (the Minor Rogations). Midsummer is 24th June.
.... went King Edward with some of his force into Essex, to Maldon; and encamped there the while that men built and fortified the town of Witham. And many of the people submitted to him, who were before under the power of the Danes. And some of his force, meanwhile, built the fortress at Hertford on the south side of the Lea." The following year seems to have seen no major military engagements ....
The 'Chronicle' records local skirmishing when, "after Easter", Danes based at Northampton and Leicester "having broken the truce ... slew many men at Hook Norton and thereabout". On their way home, they joined another band of raiders who were "riding out against Luton". The local inhabitants, however, got wind of this "and having fought with them they put them into full flight". The Englishmen recovered all the goods which had been plundered, and also managed to relieve the Danes of a substantial number of horses and weapons.
.... but in 914 a large Viking army from Brittany (led by two Jarls, Ohtor and Hroald) sailed up the Severn "... and plundered in North-Wales [i.e. Wales] everywhere by the sea, where it then suited them; and took Cameleac the bishop in Archenfield, and led him with them to their ships; whom King Edward afterwards released for forty pounds. After this went the army all up; and would proceed yet on plunder against Archenfield; but the men of Hereford met them, and of Gloucester, and of the nighest towns; and fought with them, and put them to flight; and they slew the Earl [Jarl] Hroald, and the brother of Ohtor the other earl, and many of the army. And they drove them into a park; and beset them there without, until they gave them hostages, that they would depart from the realm of King Edward. And the king had contrived that a guard should be set against them on the south side of Severnmouth; from Wales [i.e. Cornwall] in the west, eastward to the mouth of the Avon; so that they durst nowhere seek that land on that side. Nevertheless, they eluded them at night, by stealing up twice; at one time to the east of Watchet, and at another time at Porlock. There was a great slaughter each time; so that few of them came away, except those only who swam out to the ships. Then sat they outward on an island, called the Flat-holms; till they were very short of meat, and many men died of hunger, because they could not reach any meat. Thence went they to Dyfed, and then out to Ireland. This was in harvest. After this, in the same year, before Martinmas, went King Edward to Buckingham with his army, and sat there four weeks, during which he built the two forts on either side of the water, ere he departed thence. And Earl Thurcytel sought him for his lord; and all the captains, and almost all the first men that belonged to Bedford; and also many of those that belonged to Northampton."
In Manuscript A of the 'Chronicle', owing to a misunderstanding by a later scribe, the years of the annals, from 891 until that for 940, have erroneously had one year added to them. (The error actually occurs during the annal for 891, where an entry for that year is attributed to 892). Further confusion has resulted in the annals, from 913 until that for 924, ending up with four years added on to them.
The next year ("before Martinmas" 915), Edward occupied Bedford. He was there personally for four weeks, and ordered a new fortress to be built on the south bank of the River Ouse. In 916 ("before midsummer"), he fortified Maldon, in Essex. The 'Chronicle' also notes that: "And the same year went Earl Thurcytel over sea to Frankland with the men who would adhere to him, under the protection and assistance of King Edward." The campaigning season of 917 began with Edward building more fortresses. "Before Easter" there was Towcester. "During the gang-days" there was an unidentified site called Wigingamere. But then, "betwixt Lammas and midsummer" ....
It is slightly curious that Lammas (1st August) is placed before midsummer (24th June).
.... a combined force of Danes from Northampton, Leicester and, somewhat vaguely, "north of there", went "... to Towcester, and fought against the town [burh, i.e. fortification] all day, and thought that they should break into it; but the people that were therein defended it, till more aid came to them; and the enemy then abandoned the town, and went away. Then again, very soon after this, they went out at night for plunder, and came upon men unaware, and seized not a little, both in men and cattle, betwixt Bern Wood and Aylesbury. At the same time went the [Danish] army from Huntington and East-Anglia, and constructed that work at Tempsford; which they inhabited and fortified; and abandoned the other at Huntingdon; and thought that they should thence oft with war and contention recover a good deal of this land. Thence they advanced till they came to Bedford; where the men who were within came out against them, and fought with them, and put them to flight, and slew a good number of them. Then again, after this, a great [Danish] army yet collected itself from East-Anglia and from Mercia ....
Florence of Worcester also includes Essex.
.... and went to the town of Wigingamere; which they besieged without, and fought against long in the day; and took the cattle about it; but the men defended the town, who were within; and the enemy left the town, and went away. After this, the same summer, a large [English] force collected itself in King Edward's dominions, from the nighest towns that could go thither, and went to Tempsford; and they beset the town, and fought thereon; until they broke into it, and slew the king ....
This is the last known Danish king of East Anglia.
.... and Earl Toglos, and Earl Manna his son, and his brother, and all them that were therein, and who were resolved to defend it; and they took the others, and all that was therein....
The 'Mercian Register' records that Æthelflæd "... lady of the Mercians, with the help of God, before Lammas, conquered the town called Derby, with all that thereto belonged ..." It seems likely that Æthelflæd and Edward were acting in concert, to keep the Danish armies separated.
.... After this, a great [English] force collected soon in harvest, from Kent, from Surrey, from Essex, and everywhere from the nighest towns; and went to Colchester, and beset the town, and fought thereon till they took it, and slew all the people, and seized all that was therein; except those men who escaped therefrom over the wall. After this again, this same harvest, a great [Danish] army collected itself from East-Anglia, both of the land-forces and of the pirates, which they had enticed to their assistance, and thought that they should wreak their vengeance. They went to Maldon, and beset the town, and fought thereon, until more aid came to the townsmen from without to help. The enemy then abandoned the town, and went from it. And the [English] men went after, out of the town, and also those that came from without to their aid; and put the army to flight, and slew many hundreds of them, both of the pirates and of the others. Soon after this, the same harvest, went King Edward with the West-Saxon army to Passenham; and sat there the while that men fortified the town of Towcester with a stone wall. And there turned to him Earl Thurferth, and the captains, and all the army that belonged to Northampton northward to the Welland, and sought him for their lord and protector. When this division of the [English] army went home, then went another out, and marched to the town of Huntingdon; and repaired and renewed it, where it was broken down before, by command of King Edward. And all the people of the country that were left submitted to King Edward, and sought his peace and protection. After this, the same year, before Martinmas [11th November], went King Edward with the West-Saxon army to Colchester; and repaired and renewed the town, where it was broken down before. And many [English] people turned to him, both in East-Anglia and in Essex, that were before under the power of the Danes. And all the [Danish] army in East-Anglia swore union with him; that they would all that he would, and would protect all that he protected, either by sea or land. And the [Danish] army that belonged to Cambridge chose him separately for their lord and protector, and confirmed the same with oaths, as he had advised." The 'Mercian Register' records that, early in 918, and apparently without a fight, Æthelflæd obtained Leicester, "... and the greater part of the army that belonged thereto submitted to her." Later that year "... betwixt gang-days and midsummer, went King Edward with his army to Stamford, and ordered the town to be fortified on the south side of the river. And all the people that belonged to the northern town submitted to him, and sought him for their lord. It was whilst he was tarrying there, that Ethelfleda [Æthelflæd] his sister died at Tamworth, twelve nights before midsummer [i.e. 12th June]. Then rode he to the borough of Tamworth; and all the population in Mercia turned to him, who before were subject to Ethelfleda. And the kings in North-Wales [i.e. Wales], Howel, and Cledauc, and Ieothwel ....
Brothers Hywel (who later gained the epithet 'Dda', i.e. 'the Good') and Clydog ruled in south-west Wales. Idwal, their cousin, was king of Gwynedd. Grandfather of the trio was Rhodri Mawr (Rhodri 'the Great').
.... and all the people of North-Wales, sought him for their lord. Then went he thence to Nottingham, and secured that
borough, and ordered it to be repaired, and manned both with English and with Danes. And all the population turned to him, that was settled in Mercia, both Danish and English."
From the 'Mercian Register', it is clear that, presumably as a gesture to Mercian sensibilities, Edward allowed Æthelflæd's daughter, Ælfwynn, to succeed her mother as nominal ruler of Mercia. However, in 919, Ælfwynn "... was deprived of all dominion over the Mercians, and
carried into Wessex, three weeks before mid-winter ..."
Britain south of the Humber was now under English control. In Northumbria, however, the situation had been complicated by the arrival of Norsemen from Ireland. |
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| Northumbrian Struggles |
| Translations: Asser 'Vita Alfredi' by Dr. J.A. Giles Willibald 'Vita Bonifatii' by C.H. Talbot 'Annales Cambriae' by James Ingram Bede 'Historia Abbatum' by D.H. Farmer Eddius Stephanus 'Vita Wilfridi' by J.F. Webb Roger of Wendover 'Flores Historiarum' by J.A. Giles Symeon of Durham 'Historia Regum' by J. Stevenson 'Eyrbyggja Saga' by William Morris & Eirikr Magnusson 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' by Rev. James Ingram/Dr. J.A. Giles Henry of Huntingdon 'Historia Anglorum' by Thomas Forester 'Chronicle of Æthelweard' by Albert Beebe White and Wallce Notestein Bede 'Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum' by J.A. Giles, revised by A.M. Sellar William of Malmesbury 'Gesta Regum Anglorum' by Rev. J. Sharpe, revised by Rev. J. Stevenson Florence of Worcester 'Chronicon ex Chronicis' edited and in part translated by Joseph Stevenson |
| East Anglia Essex Kent Mercia Northumbria Sussex |
| Wessex |