The Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Northumbria had been smashed by the Danes. In 867 they had captured York (killing both the incumbent king of Northumbria and his rival), and in 876 the Danish leader Halfdan had partitioned the country. The Danish kingdom of York pretty much corresponded with the county of Yorkshire, whilst west of the Pennines and north of the Tees was left under English rule.
During the early years of the 10th century, virtually unnoticed by chroniclers, large numbers of Vikings from Ireland, of predominantly Norwegian ancestry (the Hiberno-Norse), were settling along the west coast, from the Dee to beyond the Solway. Some of these were refugees from Dublin, driven out by the Irish in 902. The only existing literary record of this whole population movement concerns the settlement, in the Wirral, of an expelled Hiberno-Norse chieftain: Ingimund's Invasion.
Later events suggest that the Strathclyde Britons took advantage of the confused situation in Northumbria to extend their border southwards as far as the river Eamont, just below Penrith. (Strathclyde itself may well have become a sub-kingdom of Alba around this time. See: The Fate of Strathclyde).
In 910, at the battle of Tettenhall, the Yorkshire Danes suffered a crippling defeat at the hands of Edward, king of Wessex. Thinking that Edward's forces were not in a position to do anything about it, they had ventured on a plundering raid. Unfortunately for the Danes, they had misjudged the situation, and Edward dispatched forces from Wessex and Mercia to intercept them as they returned home. In his paper 'North-West Mercia', F.T. Wainwright states: "It would be difficult to exaggerate the calamity suffered by the Danish power at Tettenhall ..."
In 913, the death of Eadwulf, reeve of Bamburgh, who ruled in north-eastern Northumbria, is recorded by the 'Chronicle of Æthelweard'. The anonymous 'Historia de Sancto Cuthberto' (History of St.Cuthbert) relates that a Viking king called Ragnald arrived with many ships, and seized the lands of Eadwulf's son and successor, Ealdred. Ealdred sought the help of King Constantine II of Alba. Ealdred's and Constantine's forces met Ragnald's at Corbridge, on the Tyne (16 miles west of Newcastle). Constantine was put to flight, and his army scattered. Ealdred and Uhtred, his brother, were the only English nobles not killed. Following the battle (c.914 - there are no dates in the 'Historia'), the captured territory was divided between two of Ragnald's followers.
The 'Annals of Ulster' record that, in 914, one "Ragnall [Ragnald] grandson of Ímar [Ivar]" was victorious in a naval battle, off the Isle of Man, against another Viking chieftain. In 917, the exploits of "Ragnall, king of the dark foreigners [i.e. Danes]", in Waterford, are reported. It seems almost certain that the "grandson of Ímar", the "king of the dark foreigners", and the Ragnald who fought at Corbridge are one and the same.
Also in 917, the 'Annals of Ulster' note that Sihtric, another "grandson of Ímar", reoccupied Dublin.
According to the 'Historia de Sancto Cuthberto', at least three years after the first battle at Corbridge, Ragnald's forces fought and killed a great many English, again at Corbridge.
The interest of the 'Historia' in these events is somewhat parochial. Edred, a tenant of the bishop of Chester-le-Street (where St.Cuthbert's relics were, at this time, kept), is the only Englishman killed in the second battle to be named. The 'Historia' says that, on account of their vigorous performance in the battle, Ragnald gave Edred's lands to Edred's two sons, Esbrid and Elstan. It is sometimes suggested that Ragnald's act of generosity was because Esbrid and Elstan had fought on his side, however, the 'Historia' does not suggest that this was the case (nor is their any reason to suppose that the Edred killed by Ragnald was not the same Edred who was father of Esbrid and Elstan). It therefore seems, at least, equally likely that, in fact, the outcome of the battle was indecisive and Ragnald was forced to compromise with the English.
Although the 'Historia' makes no mention of Scottish involvement, the second battle of Corbridge is usually identified with a battle, which occurred in 918, and which is most fully reported in the reliable 'Annals of Ulster':
"The foreigners of Loch dá Chaech [Waterford], i.e. Ragnall, king of the dark foreigners, and the two jarls, Oitir and Gragabai, forsook Ireland and proceeded afterwards against the men of Alba....
In an annal which almost certainly refers to this 918 expedition by Ragnald (though it actually appears against the year 912),
Symeon of Durham notes that: "King Reingwald and earl Oter and Osvul Cracabane broke into and plundered Dunbline." Dunbline should probably be identified with Dunblane, Perthshire.
.... The men of Alba, moreover, moved against them and they met on the bank of the Tyne in northern Saxonland. The heathens formed themselves into four battalions: a battalion with Gothfrith [Guthfrith] grandson of Ímar, a battalion with the two jarls, and a battalion with the young lords. There was also a battalion in ambush with Ragnall, which the men of Alba did not see. The men of Alba routed the three battalions which they saw, and made a very great slaughter of the heathens, including Oitir and Gragabai. Ragnall, however, then attacked in the rear of the men of Alba, and made a slaughter of them, although none of their kings or mormaers was cut off. Nightfall caused the battle to be broken off."
There appears to have been no conclusive victor, though, in what is clearly a reference to the same battle, the 'Scottish Chronicle' (as preserved in the 'Poppleton Manuscript') presents the outcome somewhat differently:
"In his [Constantine's] 18th year a battle was fought at Tinemore between Constantine and Ragnald, and the Scots won."
In an Irish source, often referred to as the 'Three Fragments', is a somewhat embroidered account of a battle which may also equate with this same battle of 918. The 'Fragments' ("which preserves much interesting information in an unconvincing setting" says F.T. Wainwright, in his paper 'Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians') claim (though it is recorded nowhere else) that Æthelflæd entered into an alliance with the "men of Alba" and the Strathclyde Britons to counter the threat posed by the Hiberno-Norse invaders. This seems a very reasonable claim in the light of an entry, in the so called 'Mercian Register', which says that, in 918:
"... the Yorkists had also promised and confirmed, some by agreement and some with oaths, that they would be in her interest."
This might suggest that the Yorkshire Danes had also sought her support against the Norsemen. Unfortunately, on 12th June 918 Æthelflæd died.
Although the second battle of Corbridge is usually equated to the battle of 918, the identification is by no means certain. It is possible that the battle of 918 took place not on the Tyne where Corbridge is situated, but on the more northerly Tyne, in East Lothian (just south of the Firth of Forth). Symeon of Durham's reference to the sacking of Dunblane might be thought to add substance to this idea, as might the entry which follows the above mentioned battle description in the 'Three Fragments': "The king of the Norwegians came after that and sacked Srath Cluada [Strathclyde], and plundered the land. But the enemy was ineffectual against Srath Cluada." Incidentally, there is another passage in the 'Three Fragments' which clearly relates to the battle of 918. The main point it makes is that the Scots used the crosier of St.Columba as a battle standard: "... they have often won victory in battle with it ... this battle was fought hard and fiercely; the men of Alba won victory and triumph, and many of the Norwegians were killed after their defeat, and their king was killed there, namely Oittir son of Iarngna. For a long time after that neither the Danes nor the Norwegians attacked them, and they enjoyed peace and tranquillity."
At any rate, Ragnald moved south, and, in 919, as noted by Symeon of Durham:
"King Inguald [Ragnald] stormed York."
By the time Ragnald was installing himself as king in York, Edward of Wessex had succeeded in establishing himself as overlord of Britain south of the Humber. Presumably as a response to the intensifying Norse threat, the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' (Manuscript A) reports that, in 919:
"... went King Edward with an army, late in the harvest, to Thelwall; and ordered the fortress [burh] to be built, and inhabited, and manned. And he ordered another army also from the population of Mercia, the while he sat there to go to Manchester in Northumbria, to repair and to man it."
Ragnald's kinsman, Sihtric, now turned his attention to Britain. His departure from Dublin, in 920, is noted by the 'Annals of Ulster', and, in an entry for the same year, Symeon of Durham records that, despite Edward's new defences (and the ones previously built, by Æthelflæd, at Chester, Eddisbury and Runcorn), Sihtric "stormed" Davenport (Cheshire). Sihtric's invasion may have spurred Edward into, what Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England') describes as, "the northern expedition which forms the climax of his reign". Actually, there are no records of such a "northern expedition". That it occurred is inferred from Manuscript A of the 'Chronicle', which outlines what appear to be Edward's preliminary manoeuvres, and then leaps to a remarkable conclusion:
"This year [
920], before midsummer, went King Edward with an army to Nottingham; and ordered a fortress [burh] to be built on the south side of the river, opposite the other, and the bridge over the Trent betwixt the two fortresses. Thence he went to Bakewell in Peakland; and ordered a fortress to be built as near as possible to it, and manned. And the King of the Scots, with all his people, chose him as father and lord; as did Rægnald [Ragnald], and the sons of Eadulf [Eadwulf], and all that dwell in Northumbria, both English and Danish, both Northmen and others; also the king of the Strathclydwallians, and all his people."
The nature of this submission has been much debated. Manuscript A is the Wessex branch of the 'Chronicle', and this would not be the only example where its author has adopted the role of spin-doctor, in order to present Edward in the best possible light (Æthelflæd's considerable contribution to his success being totally ignored). In his paper 'The Submission to Edward the Elder', F.T. Wainwright suggests: "The submission of 920, therefore, should be regarded as an anti-Norse coalition of the northern peoples, brought into existence by fear of the Norsemen, fostered by Æthelflæd, strengthened by Edward, and finally transformed by the participation of Ragnald himself into a general pacification of the north... We cannot read feudal implications into an agreement reached in 920. And we cannot readily believe that Edward could exercise an effective political overlordship in the far north. The West Saxon scribe writes of the acceptance of Edward as "father and lord," but we should not expect in this context either terminological precision or historical impartiality."
In 921, the death of Ragnald, "grandson of Ímar, king of the fair foreigners and the dark foreigners" is recorded by the 'Annals of Ulster'. Ragnald's cousin, Sihtric, replaced him as king of York. In the same year, the 'Mercian Register' notes that Edward built another fortress, at a site called Cledemutha, which is identified with Rhuddlan, near the mouth of the river Clwyd, which would augment the existing defences against Hiberno-Norse raiders.
Although Mercia had submitted to Edward's rule, following the death of his sister, Æthelflæd, in 918, it seems that not all Mercians were happy to be annexed by Wessex. William of Malmesbury writes:
"King Edward, after many noble exploits both in war and peace, a few days before his death subdued the contumacy of the city of Chester, which was rebelling in confederacy with the Britons [i.e. Welsh]; and placing a garrison there, he fell sick and died ..."
The final annal (924) in the 'Mercian Register' states:
"This year King Edward died among the Mercians at Farndon; and
very shortly after this Ælfweard his son died at Oxford; and their bodies lie at Winchester. And Athelstan was chosen king by the Mercians, and consecrated at Kingston."
Athelstan (Æthelstan), was Edward's eldest son. William of Malmesbury (who preserves details from a no longer extant source) writes:
"Ethelstan [Athelstan], as his father had commanded in his will, was then hailed king - recommended by his years, for he was now thirty, and the maturity of his wisdom. For even his grandfather
Elfred [Alfred 'the Great'], seeing and embracing him affectionately, when a boy of astonishing beauty and graceful manners, had most devoutly prayed that his government might be prosperous; indeed, he had made him a knight unusually early, giving him a scarlet cloak, a belt studded with jewels, and a Saxon sword with a golden scabbard. Next he had provided that he should be educated in the court of Ethelfleda [Æthelflæd] his daughter, and of his son-in-law
Ethelred [Æthelred]; so that, having been brought up in expectation of succeeding to the kingdom by the tender care of his aunt and of this celebrated prince, he repressed and destroyed all envy by the lustre of his good qualities; and after the death of his father and decease of his brother, he was crowned at Kingeston."
According to charter evidence, Athelstan's coronation, at Kingston upon Thames, did not take place until 4th September 925.
Elsewhere, William of Malmesbury claims that Athelstan's mother, Ecgwynn, was "an illustrious lady", however, he notes that there were stories that she and Athelstan's father, Edward, were not married, and that she was a "shepherd's daughter, a girl of exquisite beauty". According to William, Athelstan's alleged illegitimacy was the grounds that one Alfred used in an attempt to prevent Athelstan being crowned. Athelstan was a great patron of Malmesbury Abbey, and would eventually be buried there. William quotes from a charter (still in existence, but generally agreed to be spurious) in which, Athelstan grants Alfred's lands to Malmesbury. In the charter, Athelstan, himself, purportedly claims that Alfred was involved in a plot "to put out my eyes in the city of Winchester". The plot was discovered, however, and Alfred was sent to Rome to put his case to the pope. The instant he had sworn an oath he collapsed, died three days later, and "so all his property of every description was adjudged to be mine".
Athelstan's ready acceptance by the Mercian nobility gave him a greater degree of authority than his father had enjoyed. William of Malmesbury writes that Sihtric, king of York:
"... though he ridiculed the power of preceding kings, humbly solicited affinity with Ethelstan, sending messengers expressly for the purpose; and he himself, shortly following, confirmed the proposals of the ambassadors."
The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' (Manuscript D):
"This year [
926] King Athelstan and Sihtric king of the Northumbrians came together at Tamworth, the third day before the calends of February [30th January], and Athelstan gave away his sister to him." (See:
Athelstan's Diplomatic Relations).
The following year (927), however:
"Sitriuc [Sihtric] grandson of Ímar, king of the dark foreigners and the fair foreigners, died at an immature age."
'Annals of Ulster'
Athelstan invaded Northumbria. William of Malmesbury says Athelstan drove out both Sihtric's son, Olaf, and his (i.e. Sihtric's) brother, Guthfrith (whose recent arrival in Northumbria, from Dublin, is signalled by the 'Annals of Ulster'). Whilst Olaf fled to Ireland, Guthfrith sought refuge with the Scots. Athelstan sent messengers to Constantine, king of Alba, and Owen, king of Strathclyde ....
According to 14th century Scottish chronicler, John of Fordun, Owen (Eugenius in Latin) was the son of Donald II, Constantine's predecessor as king of Alba. John says that Owen was Constantine's "expected next heir", and that, "in the sixteenth year of his reign [i.e. 916]", Constantine gave him "the lordship of the region of Cumbria [i.e. Strathclyde] to rule over" until such time as he should succeed to the throne of Alba. John claims that it was Constantine's wish that all future heirs to the throne of Alba be given Strathclyde to rule.
.... threatening war unless they handed over Guthfrith. Accordingly, Constantine and Owen met Athelstan, on what was probably the southern border of Strathclyde, and submitted to him. The 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle' records this meeting only in Manuscript D, and it notes that Athelstan also gained the submission of other rulers:
"... King Athelstan took to the kingdom of Northumbria, and governed all the kings that were in this island: first, Hywel, King of West-Wales; and Constantine, King of the Scots; and Owain, King of Gwent; and Ealdred, the son of Ealdulf [Eadwulf], of Bamburgh. And with covenants and oaths they ratified their agreement in the place called Eamotum [Eamont Bridge, just south of Penrith], on the fourth day before the ides of July [12th July]; and renounced all idolatry, and afterwards returned in peace."
At this time (927), Wales can be considered to have been divided into four blocs. In the south-eastern corner of Wales was Glywysing (of which Gwent was the eastern part). Around 930, Morgan ab Owain became the dominant force in Glywysing, though his brothers, Gruffudd and Cadwgan, and their cousin, Cadell ab Arthfael, also shared in the government.
Owain and Arthfael were sons of Hywel ap Rhys, king of Glywysing. According to
Asser (biographer of
Alfred 'the Great', king of Wessex) Hywel, along with brothers Brochfael and Ffernfael, kings of Gwent, "of their own accord sought king Alfred, that they might enjoy his government and protection from him against their enemies."
Such was Morgan's impact, Glywysing became known as Morgannwg or Gwlad Morgan (Morgan's land).
To the immediate north of Morgannwg was the small kingdom of Brycheiniog. To all intents and purposes, Brycheiniog vanishes from history after its king, Tewdwr, appears as a witness to a charter of Athelstan in 934. Though not certain, it is usually assumed that Brycheiniog was annexed by a neighbour.
Most of Wales, however, was ruled by two grandsons of a king of Gwynedd known as Rhodri Mawr ('the Great'). Northern Wales (Gwynedd and Powys) was ruled by Idwal ab Anarawd (known as Idwal Foel - 'the Bald'), whilst the territories of south-western Wales (Dyfed, Ceredigion and Ystrad Tywi) had been acquired by Hywel ap Cadell (who would be remembered by posterity as Hywel Dda - 'the Good'). Conventionally, Hywel's acquisitions are known, collectively, as Deheubarth - meaning 'southern region'.
Actually, the term Deheubarth does not appear in Welsh annals until a century after the period under discussion here. Wendy Davies ('Wales in the Early Middle Ages') suggests that its use is only appropriate for the changed political climate pertaining at that later time: "And this eleventh-century trend of combining political interests in South-West and South-East is reflected in the use of a new term, dextralis Britanniae and Deheubarth, for the whole of south Wales."
Hywel obviously had total confidence in the security of his position, since, in 928, he made a pilgrimage to Rome. Around 934, "the men of Ceredigion" are reported ('Brut y Tywysogion') to have killed Gruffudd ab Owain (brother of Morgan), in what, presumably, was a territorial dispute between Deheubarth and Morgannwg. Judging by the witness lists attached to Athelstan's charters, it seems that, between 931 and 937, Welsh kings were regular visitors to his court. In 'The Welsh Kings', Kari Maund writes: "On those occasions when more than one Welsh king was present, Hywel's name nearly always occurs first amongst the Welsh, and always before that of his cousin Idwal. This suggests that Hywel was accorded particular respect in English circles, and perhaps that he was held to be senior amongst the Welsh kings."
Away from the poem derived section, William of Malmesbury asserts that, following Sihtric's death, Athelstan: "... took that province under his own government, expelling one Aldulf [Ealdred], who resisted him. And as a noble mind, when once roused aspires to greater things, he compelled Judwal [Idwal], king of the Welsh [actually, of Gwynedd], and Constantine, king of the Scots, to quit their kingdoms. But not long after, moved with commiseration, he restored them to their original state, that they might reign under him; saying, "it was more glorious to make a king than to be a king.""
William of Malmesbury, paraphrasing the lost poem:
"Out of regard to this treaty, the king himself stood as sponsor for the son of Constantine, who was ordered to be baptized at the sacred font. Godefrid [Guthfrith], however, amid the preparations for the journey [to Eamotum], escaped by flight with one Turfrid [Thurferth], a leader of the opposite party; and afterwards laying siege to York, when he could not succeed in bringing the townsmen to surrender either by entreaties or by threats; he departed. Not long after, being both shut up in a castle, they eluded the vigilance of the guards and escaped. Turfrid, losing his life quickly after by shipwreck, became a prey to fishes; Godefrid suffering extremely both by sea and land, at last came a suppliant to court. Being amicably received by the king [i.e. Athelstan], and sumptuously entertained for four days, he resought his ships - an incorrigible pirate, and accustomed to live in the water like a fish....
The timescale for these events is provided by the 'Annals of Ulster' which says that:
"... Gothfrith [Guthfrith] abandoned Áth Cliath [Dublin]; and Gothfrith returned again within six months."
.... In the meantime Ethelstan levelled with the ground the castle which the Danes had formerly fortified in York, that there might be no place for disloyalty to shelter in; and the booty which had been found there, which was very considerable, he generously divided among the whole army man by man; for he had prescribed himself this rule of conduct, never to hoard up riches, but liberally to expend all his acquisitions either on monasteries, or on his faithful followers."
William says that Athelstan summoned the rulers of Wales:
"... to meet him at the city of Hereford, and after some opposition to surrender to his power: so that he actually brought to pass what no king before him had even presumed to think of, which was, that they should pay annually, by way of tribute, twenty pounds of gold, three hundred of silver, twenty five thousand oxen, besides as many dogs as he might choose, which from their sagacious scent could discover the retreats and hiding places of wild beasts, and birds trained to make prey of others in the air....
"Figures which verge on but perhaps do not quite reach the incredible" asserts Sir Frank Stenton ('Anglo-Saxon England')
In view of William's account, it seems possible that the author of the previously quoted entry in Manuscript D of the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', conflated the meetings at Eamont Bridge and Hereford. It would make sense that Athelstan accepted the submissions of Constantine, Owen and Ealdred at Eamont Bridge - that they "renounced all idolatry" being a reference to the heathen practices of the Norsemen living amongst them - whilst the Welsh rulers submitted at Hereford.
.... Departing thence he turned towards the Western Britons, who are called the Cornwallish ... Fiercely attacking, he obliged them to retreat from Exeter, which till that time they had inhabited with equal privileges with the Angles, fixing the boundary of their province on the other side of the river Tamar, as he had appointed the river Wye to the North Britons [Welsh]. This city, then, which he had cleansed by purging it of its contaminated race, he fortified with towers, and surrounded by a wall of squared stone ..."
In an annal for 933, Symeon of Durham states: "King Ethelstan ordered his brother Edwin to be drowned in the sea." William of Malmesbury lumps together a yarn concerning this bald statement with the tale of Athelstan's conception by the shepherd's daughter. William says these stories "... I have learned more from old ballads, popular through succeeding times, than from books written expressly for the information of posterity. I have subjoined them, not to defend their veracity, but to put my reader in possession of all I know." According to the yarn, Athelstan's brother, Edwin, was accused of treachery and, despite his protestations of innocence, he was exiled. Edwin was "compelled to go on board a vessel with a single attendant, without a rower, without even an oar, and the bark was crazy with age." Out of despair, Edwin threw himself into the sea, and drowned. A repentant Athelstan did "seven years' penance, he inflicted severe vengeance on the accuser of his brother." William was doubtful about this story "on account of the extraordinary affection he [Athelstan] manifested towards the rest of his brothers". It seems that William was right to be suspicious of the story. Records at the Abbey of St.Bertin, Flanders, note Athelstan's gratitude for their burial of Edwin, who had drowned in a storm - escaping from England during a period of turmoil. This appears to let Athelstan off the hook, but still leaves the circumstances surrounding the incident obscure.
In the normal course of government, Athelstan rarely strayed too far from Wessex. He maintained order throughout England by holding large scale councils, which would be attended by magnates from the whole country. These assemblies are known from the considerable number of charters which have survived from Athelstan's reign. On 28th May 934, a large gathering took place at Winchester. The witness list on a land-grant comprised Athelstan, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, the four Welsh kings (Hywel, Idwal, Morgan and Tewdwr - all referred to as subregulus i.e. sub-king), several bishops and abbots, twelve earls (five of whom have Scandinavian names), and many English thegns. On 7th June, substantially the same assembly (the most conspicuous absentee being Tewdwr) were at Nottingham, where another land-grant was witnessed.
Within the body of the Nottingham charter, Athelstan is lavishly styled: "King of the English, elevated by the right hand of the Almighty, which is Christ, to the throne of the whole kingdom of Britain". On some of his coins, he is: Rex Totius Britanniae - King of all Britain.
The northward progress continued ....
Athelstan's route is indicated by the privileges (famously, the right of sanctuary) which he subsequently granted to Beverley and Ripon.
.... Symeon of Durham notes that Athelstan:
"... came to the tomb of St.Cuthbert [Chester-le-Street], commended himself and his expedition to the protection of the saint, bestowed on him many and divers gifts becoming a king, and lands; delivering to the torments of eternal fire whoever should take away any of these from him."
Florence of Worcester provides the reason for the expedition:
"Aethelstan [Athelstan], the brave king of the English, went to Scotland with a powerful fleet and a large army of cavalry, and laid waste the greater part thereof ....
"... with his land force as far as Dunfoeder [Dunnottar] and Wertormore, and with his navy he ravaged as far as Caithness." says Symeon of Durham.
.... in revenge for Constantine, king of the Scots, having broken the peace which he had concluded with him. King Constantine was thereby forced to surrender his son as a hostage, and give suitable presents, to him [Athelstan]: peace being restored, the king returned to West Saxony."
By the 13th century, there was a tradition that, when Athelstan visited the tomb of St.John of Beverley, he placed his dagger on the altar with the promise that he would redeem it at a worthy price if St.John secured his victory against the Scots. Athelstan went to war under the saint's banner, and, by following his advice, given in a vision, won a great victory.
An Irish source, known as the '
Annals of Clonmacnoise' says that: "... the Scottishmen compelled him [Athelstan] to return without any great victory." Incidentally, in the same the annal, it is stated that: "Adulf mcEtulfe king of North Saxons died." This is presumably Ealdred (son of Eadwulf) of Bamburgh.
Also in 934, the 'Annals of Ulster' report that:
"Gothfrith, grandson of Ímar, a most cruel king of the Norsemen, died of a sickness."
Guthfrith was succeeded, in Dublin, by his son, Olaf, who apparently established himself as leader of all the Vikings of eastern Ireland. At some stage, Constantine had given his daughter in marriage to Olaf, and he seems to have seen Olaf as the means of getting his revenge on Athelstan. In 937, Constantine, Olaf and the king of Strathclyde (probably still Owen) launched an attack on England. It might be expected that their offensive would be launched on the west coast, but, according to Florence of Worcester:
"Anlaf [Olaf], the pagan king of the Irish and many islands besides, at the instigation of his father-in-law, Constantine, king of the Scots, entered the mouth of the river Humber with a powerful fleet"
They were met by English forces at an unidentified site called Brunanburh, but not before, according to William of Malmesbury (though not from the lost poem section) they had "proceeded far into England".
William implies that Athelstan lured Olaf deep into English territories, whilst, at the same time, assembling his finest forces to oppose him. In a somewhat fantastical yarn, William says that Olaf infiltrated Athelstan's encampment disguised as a minstrel. Olaf was recognised by a man who had served under him, but was now in Athelstan's service. The man failed to betray Olaf's presence, since he did not want to be seen to have broken an oath of allegiance. After Olaf's departure, however, the man was brought to Athelstan, who accepted the explanation he gave about not wanting to violate an oath. Athelstan also took the man's advice not to fight until his forces were fully assembled, and to move his tent to another site. Under cover of darkness, Olaf's band attacked Athelstan's camp killing a bishop (and his retinue) who had joined Athelstan's entourage "only the evening before", and who had made camp, unknowingly, on the spot recently vacated by Athelstan. The noise of Olaf's surprise attack woke Athelstan. As he rallied his men, Athelstan's sword fell from its sheath, but, thanks to divine intervention, it was miraculously replaced, and, as dawn broke, battle was joined.
"A great, lamentable and horrible battle was cruelly fought between the Saxons and the Norsemen, in which several thousands of Norsemen, who are uncounted, fell, but their king, Amlaíb [Olaf], escaped with a few followers. A large number of Saxons fell on the other side, but Athelstan, king of the Saxons, enjoyed a great victory."
'Annals of Ulster'
"King Ethelstan ... put to flight king Onlaf [Olaf], with six hundred and fifteen ships; also Constantine king of the Scots and the king of the Cumbrians [i.e. Strathclyde], with all their host."
Symeon of Durham
"... a huge battle was fought against the barbarians at Brunandun, wherefore it is still called the 'great battle' by the common people. Then the barbarian forces were overcome on all sides, and held the superiority no more. Afterwards he [Athelstan] drove them off from the shores of the ocean, and the Scots and Picts both submitted. The fields of Britain were consolidated into one, there was peace everywhere, and abundance of all things ..."
'Chronicle of Æthelweard'
Athelstan's resounding victory, which left dead five kings, seven of Olaf's earls (jarls) and a son of Constantine, is celebrated in verse by the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'.
It has been suggested that, in all probability, Owen, king of Strathclyde, was killed at Brunanburh. William of Malmesbury notes that, among the many English dead were Ælfwine and Æthelwine, two sons of Æthelweard, the youngest son of Alfred 'the Great'. Athelstan had them buried at Malmesbury. Part of one quotation, from the poem which William derived much of his information, reads:
With ceaseless plunder sped the daring horde,
And wasted districts with their fire and sword.
The verdant crops lay withering on the fields,
The glebe no promise to the rustic yields.
Immense the numbers of barbarian force,
Countless the squadrons both of foot and horse.
At length fame's rueful moan alarm'd the king,
And bade him shun this ignominious sting,
That arms like his to ruffian bands should bend:
'Tis done - delays and hesitations end.
High in the air the threatening banners fly,
And call his eager troops to victory,
His hardy force, an hundred thousand strong,
Whom standards hasten to the fight along.
The martial clamour scares the plund'ring band,
And drives them bootless tow'rds their native land.
The 'Annals of Clonmacnoise', somewhat impenetrably (though you get the idea), says that Olaf's army arrived in England and: "... by the help of the Danes of that kingdom, they gave battle to the Saxons on the plaines of othlyn, where there was a great slaughter of Normans and Danes, among which these ensueing captaines were slaine, viz. Sithfrey and Oísle ye 2 sones of Sithrick, Galey, Awley ffroit, and Moylemorrey the sonn of Cosse Warce, Moyle Isa, Gebeachan king of the islands, Ceallagh prince of Scotland with 30000 together with 800 captives about Awley mcGodfrey [Olaf son of Guthfrith], and abbot of Arick mcBrith, Iloa Deck, Imar, the king of Denmarks owen son with 4000 soldiers in his guard were all slaine."
On 27th October 939, Athelstan died.
"Completing his earthly course, and that a short one, Ethelstan died at Gloucester. His noble remains were conveyed to Malmesbury, and buried under the altar."
William of Malmesbury
"Athelstan, king of the Saxons, pillar of the dignity of the western world, died an untroubled death."
'Annals of Ulster'
Athelstan was succeeded by his eighteen year old half-brother Edmund (who had fought at Brunanburh, two years previously). On the other side of the Irish Sea, this was seen as an opportunity not to be missed.